Derivations without the Activity Condition

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Derivations without the Activity Condition

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dc.contributor.author Nevins, Andrew Ira
dc.date.accessioned 2010-03-23T14:42:51Z
dc.date.issued 2005
dc.identifier.citation Nevins, Andrew. 2005. Derivations without the activity condition. MIT Working Papers in Linguistics 49: 283-306. en_US
dc.identifier.uri http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:3743809
dc.description.abstract The EPP cannot be reduced to the Inverse Case Filter (contra Boskovic 2002) and remains for the moment axiomatic in phrase-marker construction. Feature-splitting, Agree, and the EPP allow for a range of derivational options that have been constrained by the Activity Condition (Chomsky 2001 et preq). The phenomenon of non-nominative subjects (including A-movement of structurally-Case marked elements) runs afoul of the activity condition. This paper explores the hypothesis that all derivational options ruled out by the activity condition can be ruled out by independent principles of locality and a constraint against multiple Case valuation. en_US
dc.description.sponsorship Linguistics en_US
dc.language.iso en_US en_US
dc.publisher Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy, Massachusetts Institute of Technology en_US
dc.relation.isversionof http://web.mit.edu/mitwpl/ en_US
dc.relation.hasversion http://www.people.fas.harvard.edu/~nevins/nevins05.pdf en_US
dash.license META_ONLY
dc.title Derivations without the Activity Condition en_US
dc.type Journal Article en_US
dc.description.version Version of Record en_US
dc.relation.journal MIT Working Papers in Linguistics en_US
dash.depositing.author Nevins, Andrew Ira
dash.embargo.until 10000-01-01

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  • FAS Scholarly Articles [7078]
    Peer reviewed scholarly articles from the Faculty of Arts and Sciences of Harvard University

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