| dc.contributor.author | Nevins, Andrew Ira | |
| dc.date.accessioned | 2010-03-23T14:42:51Z | |
| dc.date.issued | 2005 | |
| dc.identifier.citation | Nevins, Andrew. 2005. Derivations without the activity condition. MIT Working Papers in Linguistics 49: 283-306. | en_US |
| dc.identifier.uri | http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:3743809 | |
| dc.description.abstract | The EPP cannot be reduced to the Inverse Case Filter (contra Boskovic 2002) and remains for the moment axiomatic in phrase-marker construction. Feature-splitting, Agree, and the EPP allow for a range of derivational options that have been constrained by the Activity Condition (Chomsky 2001 et preq). The phenomenon of non-nominative subjects (including A-movement of structurally-Case marked elements) runs afoul of the activity condition. This paper explores the hypothesis that all derivational options ruled out by the activity condition can be ruled out by independent principles of locality and a constraint against multiple Case valuation. | en_US |
| dc.description.sponsorship | Linguistics | en_US |
| dc.language.iso | en_US | en_US |
| dc.publisher | Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy, Massachusetts Institute of Technology | en_US |
| dc.relation.isversionof | http://web.mit.edu/mitwpl/ | en_US |
| dc.relation.hasversion | http://www.people.fas.harvard.edu/~nevins/nevins05.pdf | en_US |
| dash.license | META_ONLY | |
| dc.title | Derivations without the Activity Condition | en_US |
| dc.type | Journal Article | en_US |
| dc.description.version | Version of Record | en_US |
| dc.relation.journal | MIT Working Papers in Linguistics | en_US |
| dash.depositing.author | Nevins, Andrew Ira | |
| dash.embargo.until | 10000-01-01 | |
| dash.contributor.affiliated | Nevins, Andrew | |
