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dc.contributor.author	Nevins, Andrew Ira
dc.date.accessioned	2010-03-23T14:42:51Z
dc.date.issued	2005
dc.identifier.citation	Nevins, Andrew. 2005. Derivations without the activity condition. MIT Working Papers in Linguistics 49: 283-306.	en_US
dc.identifier.uri	http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:3743809
dc.description.abstract	The EPP cannot be reduced to the Inverse Case Filter (contra Boskovic 2002) and remains for the moment axiomatic in phrase-marker construction. Feature-splitting, Agree, and the EPP allow for a range of derivational options that have been constrained by the Activity Condition (Chomsky 2001 et preq). The phenomenon of non-nominative subjects (including A-movement of structurally-Case marked elements) runs afoul of the activity condition. This paper explores the hypothesis that all derivational options ruled out by the activity condition can be ruled out by independent principles of locality and a constraint against multiple Case valuation.	en_US
dc.description.sponsorship	Linguistics	en_US
dc.language.iso	en_US	en_US
dc.publisher	Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy, Massachusetts Institute of Technology	en_US
dc.relation.isversionof	http://web.mit.edu/mitwpl/	en_US
dc.relation.hasversion	http://www.people.fas.harvard.edu/~nevins/nevins05.pdf	en_US
dash.license	META_ONLY
dc.title	Derivations without the Activity Condition	en_US
dc.type	Journal Article	en_US
dc.description.version	Version of Record	en_US
dc.relation.journal	MIT Working Papers in Linguistics	en_US
dash.depositing.author	Nevins, Andrew Ira
dash.embargo.until	10000-01-01

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  Peer reviewed scholarly articles from the Faculty of Arts and Sciences of Harvard University

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