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dc.contributor.advisorHuang, C.-T. Jamesen_US
dc.contributor.advisorPolinsky, Mariaen_US
dc.contributor.authorLee, Jenny Soyeonen_US
dc.date.accessioned2017-07-25T14:44:20Z
dc.date.created2016-05en_US
dc.date.issued2016-05-17en_US
dc.date.submitted2016en_US
dc.identifier.citationLee, Jenny Soyeon. 2016. Split Intransitivity in Ranmo. Doctoral dissertation, Harvard University, Graduate School of Arts & Sciences.en_US
dc.identifier.urihttp://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:33493578
dc.description.abstractThis dissertation brings novel data from Ranmo, an endangered Papuan language, to bear on the phenomenon of split intransitivity, the comparatively understudied type of split ergativity (cf. aspectual and person-based splits). Ranmo is spoken by approximately 300 people in Western Province, Papua New Guinea and belongs to the Morehead-Upper Maro River family. The point of departure for this dissertation is the observation that there are two classes of semantically one-place verbs, unaccusatives and middles, which show distinct patterns of agreement|an apparent case of split intransitivity. I demonstrate, however, that this "split" is only an illusion: middles, which show a non-ergative pattern of agreement (i.e., S=A), are in fact syntactically transitive, having an NP (as opposed to phiP) object that is coindexed with and bound by the phiP external argument. This NP object requires a corresponding functional projection on the clausal spine, XP, which is sandwiched between VP and vP; this is essentially a new proposal for pseudo-noun incorporation (PNI) (cf. Massam 2001). Under this analysis, middle verbs--a semantically heterogeneous class encompassing reflexives/reciprocals, anticausatives, and agentives--are subsumed under PNI. When v probes, it cannot agree with the NP object (since it lacks phi-features), resulting in the default spell out of object agreement, which is referred to as the 'middle' morpheme; this is an instance of agreement failure in the sense of Preminger (2009, 2011, 2014). No special rules of agreement are required to capture the non-ergative pattern of agreement in Ranmo; therefore, it is entirely ergative rather than split-ergative. This is a significant conclusion especially in light of recent findings showing that aspectual and NP-based splits, too, are epiphenomenal, involving additional clausal structure in the non-ergative portions (Coon 2010, Coon & Preminger 2012). I further propose that applicative constructions form the "other side of the PNI coin," i.e., their direct object is also an NP, which requires the presence of a clausal correspondent, XP. I argue that the Person-Case Constraint (Bonet 1991, 1994) is evidence for the PNI analysis of applicatives, i.e., only 3rd-person arguments, which are structurally reduced compared to 1st/2nd-person arguments, are licensed in the NP direct object position of applicatives. It is simply that in applicatives, X has the additional function of introducing an applied argument in its specifier and assigning it a theta-role and inherent case. Another major contribution of this dissertation is that it presents new evidence for the dependent theory of case assignment (Bittner & Hale 1996, Marantz 1991). On this view, case is assigned configurationally on the basis of the c-command relationships between noun phrases themselves; it is an alternative to the standard Chomskyan view that case is assigned as a reflex of agreement/Agree (Chomsky 2000, 2001). From both middle clauses and unaccusative applicative constructions in Ranmo, we have evidence of dependent case assignment: an argument receives ergative case only if it c-commands another noun phrase in the same domain. This also argues against the analysis of Ranmo ergative as inherent case assigned to agents by transitive v/Voice. New data like those of Ranmo urge us to adopt a more nuanced, perhaps parameterized, view of case/agreement relationship, i.e., whether case is assigned as a reflex of agreement/Agree is a point of cross-linguistic variation, not a universal absolute.en_US
dc.description.sponsorshipLinguisticsen_US
dc.format.mimetypeapplication/pdfen_US
dc.language.isoenen_US
dash.licenseLAAen_US
dc.subjectLanguage, Linguisticsen_US
dc.titleSplit Intransitivity in Ranmoen_US
dc.typeThesis or Dissertationen_US
dash.depositing.authorLee, Jenny Soyeonen_US
dc.date.available2017-07-25T14:44:20Z
thesis.degree.date2016en_US
thesis.degree.grantorGraduate School of Arts & Sciencesen_US
thesis.degree.levelDoctoralen_US
thesis.degree.nameDoctor of Philosophyen_US
dc.contributor.committeeMemberCharnavel, Isabelleen_US
dc.type.materialtexten_US
thesis.degree.departmentLinguisticsen_US
dash.identifier.vireohttp://etds.lib.harvard.edu/gsas/admin/view/967en_US
dc.description.keywordssplit intransitivity; split ergativity; split-S; Ranmo; Papuan; applicative; middle; reflexive; pseudo-noun incorporation; agreement; case; ergativity; endangered languageen_US
dash.author.emaildzenilee@gmail.comen_US
dash.identifier.orcid0000-0001-6049-9681en_US
dash.contributor.affiliatedLee, Jenny
dc.identifier.orcid0000-0001-6049-9681


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