GIS, Prosopography, and History Abstract This study of the early spread of Neo-Confucianism as an intellectual-social movement in southern China in the twelfth century, applies geospatial analysis to a prosopographical study of the social networks of leading figures. By analyzing the spatial distribution of intellectual networks we see that Neo-Confucianism was most successful in areas that had strong traditions of investment in education but that were generally marginal to the commercial economy of the times. The research draws on data from the China Biographical Database, which includes data on the social associations, kinship, careers and addresses of over 40,000 Song dynasty figures and the China Historical GIS, a times-series database of administrative units from 221 BCE to 1911 CE. Intellectual history traditionally has focused on the transmission of ideas; network and spatial analysis helps explain why some areas were more receptive to certain ideas than others. During the mid-twelfth century a new kind of Confucianism, called the ?Learning of the Way? (Daoxue) and referred to here as ?Neo-Confucianism,? began to spread among local literati, despite a generally unsympathetic court. In contrast to earlier forms of Confucianism, the new movement had well-defined leaders such as Zhu Xi, Zhang Shi, and L? Zuqian, who shared a vision focused on the cultivation of a common moral human nature, a new theory of learning and a new philosophical vocabulary, and who promoted new social institutions to put the teaching into practice. Neo-Confucianism was both an intellectual and a social movement among the elite. As will be shown below the social networks that marked its spread had obvious spatial characteristics, and this suggests that an explanation for its spread needs also to account for the spatial pattern revealed by mapping its networks. Attention to the networks among thinkers has played an important role in the study of later imperial thought as intellectual history begins with Huang Zongxi?s study of Ming dynasty (1368-1644) Confucianism, followed by his study of Song (960-1279) and Yuan (1280-1367) scholarship as completed by Quan Zuwang and extensively supplemented by Wang Zicai and Feng Yunhao. A case study in these texts takes a single person as the progenitor of a ?school? and then lists students and intellectual associates. This turned out to be a persuasive way of organizing information about intellectual trends and still continues to influence our study of intellectual history. There is some truth to the notion that students make the teacher, that is, an intellectual figure is important because he has students and the students make his reputation. But in the tradition of biographic writing it is also true that once a person becomes famous many people who had a only short encounter with him claim his as their teacher. This seems to me to explain why an analysis of 25,000 short biographies in Wang Deyi?s index of Song biographical materials reveals that the one person who most often appears in the biography of others is Zhu Xi, about three times as often as all the runners up: Qin Kui, Su Shi, Wang Anshi, etc. Even if we grant the claim to having been a student of Zhu, it does not necessarily follow that the individual in question ever, or continued to, share Zhu?s views. This is evident from Chen Rongjie?s (W. T. Chan?s) identification of around 500 ?disciples? of Zhu Xi, which does offer positive evidence that a person was at one point student, but rarely can show that there was the sort of continued relationship that Zhu had with his principle correspondents such as L? Zuqian and Zhang Shi. Still, claims made for a connection to Zhu Xi can at least be taken as an indicator of Zhu?s importance. Thomas Wilson has argued convincingly that Neo-Confucians favored a genealogical approach to intellectual affiliation, but also that they tended to retrospectively construct genealogies in defense of their own positions, an activity much in evidence in the late Ming but also one in which Zhu Xi himself engaged in defining the origins of Daoxue, in which he problematically credited Zhou Dunyi with being an inspiration for the Cheng brothers, the real philosophical founders of Neo-Confucian philosophy in the eleventh century. However, there is a second feature to Huang Zongxi?s?s studies, for not only did he identify an individual as the progenitor of a school he also frequently named the school by the place with which the progenitor was associated. It is this geographic approach to thinking about intellectual history and social networks that I wish to address. This is not a new idea. Over fifty years ago He Yousen wrote on the ?Geographical Distribution of Intellectual Trends during the Northern and Southern Song? with a series of maps of intellectual affiliations. Based on the scholarly affiliations of major intellectuals and taking into account where they were teaching, He described the shift in the centers of intellectual activity from the north to various regions in the south (Liangzhe, Fujian, and Sichuan) and pointed out that this shift began during the Shenzong reign (1067-1085), and thus cannot be attributed to the loss of the North China plain to the Jin. Yang Yuan, in an 1982 article on the spatial distribution of chief and vice councilors, found the same southward shift dating to the Shenzong reign. In short, the spatial distribution of political and intellectual leadership (in Northern Song the two were closely related, with all but a handful of political leaders being products of the examination system) tracks the demographic and economic growth of the south. Both these studies were based on careful prosopographical research and dealt with limited, but not insignificant, numbers of people. He Yousen made extensive use of the Song Yuan xue?an and Yang Yuan had recourse to the table of councilors in the Song History. This study takes a different approach, it aims to maximize the number of people included and to look for patterns in larger trends. This approach, the value of which will be tested by what follows, depends upon having access to extensive data. The Data With one exception this study relies on the China Biographical Database (CBDB), a data collection project that began with the late Robert Hartwell and has grown considerably through the combined efforts of the Institute of History and Philology at Academia Sinica, an editorial group led by Deng Xiaonan at the Center for Research on Ancient Chinese History at Peking University, and text-mining and database management group at the Fairbank Center for Chinese Studies at Harvard University led by Peter Bol and Stuart Shieber with Michael A. Fuller at the University of California Irvine. CBDB is a relational database, searchable online and freely available for downloadable as a stand-alone database. It is constantly growing: as of June 2011 it had varying amounts of data on over 112,000 individuals, over 41,000 of whom were from the Song dynasty. In brief, the project harvests data from various sources, including biographical indices such as Wang Deyi?s revised electronic edition of the Song Biographical Index, funerary inscriptions, Li Zhiliang?s compilations of prefectural officials, literary collections, etc. The crucial aspect of the database is that it organizes biographical data by category, making it possible for the user to query the database from many angles. The categories are: Basic biographical data: name, dates, and source Alternate names: courtesy names, studio names, etc. Biographical addresses: place of birth, actual residence, registered residence, burial, etc. Entry into office: examinations, protection privilege, etc. Offices: ranks and offices held and address of local offices Kinship: any kinship relation Association: intellectual, literary, political, and other associations between two people Writings: the titles of books, often with bibliographic classification, by an individual Social distinction: qualities that distinguished a person such as poet, monk, civil official, etc. Organizing information in this fashion allows one to create sophisticated queries. For example, one could ask how many of the people from a certain place who entered office through protection privilege during a certain time period were related to each other through marriage. Moreover, database queries are not limited to the data gathered on an individual. Thus, for example, the database allows one to extend a social network from an individual to the associates of his associates or query kinship connections across as many generations as desired. The only constraint is set by the existence of data and the extent to which it has been integrated into CBDB. The way in which data is acquired has bearing on the contents. In 2008 the CBDB project switched from manually inputting data from individual biographies to the mining of as many as 25,000 biographies at once. Manual inputting meant that editors might discover suspect or conflicting accounts and resolve them by consulting the original sources. In contrast, the text-mining method produces thousands of data points by category (e.g., all ? or courtesy names in the dataset) which, after editorial review, are loaded into the database. Although efforts have been made to avoid duplication, data that conflicts with existing data is accepted, as when different sources may offer different places of residence (CBDB in principle treats these as ?alternates,? leaving only one place of residence for query purposes). The database thus reflects inconsistencies in the historical sources. This approach aims at maximizing coverage rather than gathering data on individuals in depth. The assumption is that as new sources are mined over the years and more data is acquired the coverage of any individual will become ever more complete. This is already apparent in the number of social associations discovered for Song figures, which far exceeds what can be found in an individual?s biography but which would not exhaust what could be found by working through a person?s literary collection and the hundreds if not thousands of poems addressed to others. Maximizing coverage, at the expense of in-depth prosopographical studies of individuals, gives many more data points than individual researchers could discover by themselves. CBDB assumes that thousands of examples will give us a fair sampling, despite missing data and inconsistencies. Locating intellectual centers This study uses cumulative success of a given place in producing successful candidates for the highest civil service examination degree, the jinshi degree, as a proxy for the degree of investment in education in a given place. At the prefectural level a quota ensured that the number of successful candidates sent on to the capital would be proportionate to the number of applicants. I suppose further that although the metropolitan examinations were blind, the rate of success was likely to reflect the number of participants from a given place and to favor those places that offered the best educational opportunities. Although, as John Chaffee has shown, it is possible to reconstruct the origins of a majority of degree holders from local gazetteers, thus favoring the southern provinces in Southern Song, there are only complete degree rosters from 1148 and 1256. The counties that produced degree holder in 1148 are shown in Map 1.  Map 1: Jinshi from the 1148 Examination It is evident that in 1148, degree holders came from only a few circuits: Liangzhe East and West, Fujian, Jiangnan East and West, and western Sichuan. The largest single group, however, were refugees from the north who still listed Kaifeng as their household registration. Southern Song did not have regional quotas, and the spatial distribution in Map 1 is not commensurate with the distribution of population or the placement of prefectural and county seats. But was 1148 an aberration? We can test this by generating two other datasets from CBDB. The first is a list of 4073 Northern Song (960-1126) jinshi in the database. This is not a record of all those who passed the examinations. It is instead a record of all those who passed the examination who entered the historical record. Thus even if we suppose a different spatial distribution of degree holders, it would still be the case that what we are seeing in Map 2 are the locations of those among them who in some way or another came to be recorded in historical sources.  Map 2: 4073 Northern Song Jinshi If we exclude north China from consideration, the Northern Song map affirms the spatial distribution of 1148, with the exception that Northern Song included more men from the Middle Yangzi and the far south. Map 3 is based on 6150 Southern Song degree holders in CBDB.  Map 3: 6150 Southern Song Jinshi (northern locations include Jin dynasty jinshi) Now the clustering is even more pronounced. Mapping the location of Southern Song authors and academies, both of which are available in CBDB but not shown here, confirms the same pattern. This tells us that from a geographical perspective the intellectual history of the period unfolded in the southeastern and western Sichuan circuits. If we want to look at intellectual movements in local society we now know which prefectures and counties we should pay attention to. Social networks Social network analysis has become highly sophisticated and mathematically challenging, but is supported by a number of software packages. The challenge is to gather data on the associations between individuals. In contrast to work on contemporary networks, where data can be gathered from surveys and observation, such as in the study of friendship networks in a classroom of students, the analysis of social networks in historical studies comes up against the fact that although individuals meet many people during their lives, biographers typically cite only those they judge to be of consequence. However, historical network analysis can go beyond biographical records and find evidence of associations from other sources, such as lists of those purged for opposition to the court, coterminous membership in leading political organs, and evidence of literary exchanges. Even limited data can provide insights into the relative centrality of those involved. This study is concerned with the geography of social connections: where the associates of an individual come from. The data in CBDB rarely tells us where and when a tie between two people is formed, but it does cite the evidence for a tie between them. Much of this evidence comes in the form of the writings one person composed for another, such as sacrificial prayers (??) and prefaces for books (?). The relationship can be described in two ways?if X wrote a sacrificial prayer for Y then we can say that Y had a sacrificial prayer written for him by X?with one side being the sender and the other side the receiver. This can be deceptive. The writer of a sacrificial prayer does so after the death of the subject, but the writer of a book preface may do so long after the death of the book author or he may do so at the behest of the author during his or her lifetime. In either case we can suppose that X had a tie to Y, although if might be a post-mortem tie. CBDB codes many different kinds of association, but as the Table 1 shows, the bulk of the data refers to writings. Number of Records in CBDBSocial Association????8039Epitaph written for?Y????3936Postface written for book by?Y?????3815Prefaced book by?Y?????2471Sacrificial prayer written for?Y???2235Departure note sent to?Y?????(?????)2034Building inscription composed for?Y???????????1366Presented literary composition as gift to????1366Received literary composition as gift from??Y?????1011wrote colophon to the writings of?Y?????987Friend of?928Recommended??868Tomb stone (mubiao) written for?Y???811Biographer of?Y??772Postscripted calligraphy or painting of?Y??????626Menren of?Y???586Funerary stele written for?Y????564Biographical sketch (xingzhuang) written for?Y???556Duets composed with???546Student of?Y???503Portrait eulogy written for?Y???(???)491Buddhist temple stele written for?Y????433Explanation of capping name (zixu or zishuo) composed for?Y??????430Elegy written for?Y?????407Lamentation prayer written for?Y???401School stele written by????????Y??400School stele written for?Y????????370Shrine inscription written for?Y???370Shrine inscription written by???Y??355followed?Y?350Praised or admired??/??317Personnel administration (CJ)(?????????????)254Studied with?Y?237Ancestral stele or records written for?Y?????231Served in the same bureau with??226Impeached??223Congratulatory note sent to?Y??217Yuanfu coalition member ???????217Friend in the same graduating class???203wrote preface for the literary works of?Y??????203preface to literary works was written by????Y??188Discussed scholarship with??176Opposed or attacked??/??172Purged??167Tongxue was?????164Posthumous name essay written for?Y???146Retainer of?Y???132Disciple (dizi) of?Y???127praised the political accomplishments of??Y???125Sent letter to??Y120Listed in Yuanyou coalition register ??????119Member of the school of?Y?????117Study motto for?Y?????112Officer under command of?Y???112Patron of (= Client was)?Y???104proceeded with (friendship)?Y?Table 1 Social Associations in CBDB with over 100 instances, showing only one direction To illustrate this approach, and prepare a contrast for what we shall see in Southern Song, consider Map 4, which compares the social networks of the two leading politicians and political thinkers, and opponents, of the latter half of the eleventh century, Wang Anshi ??? (1021-1086)and Sima Guang ??? (1018-1086) . For both I have included associates who 1) were not known to be opponents and 2) reached their sixtieth year sometime between 1035 and 1115. Only unique persons are mapped to their places of residence; the map does not reflect the strengths of ties as indicated by number of documented associations between any two persons although this information is available from the database.  Map 4 Places of Residence of Associates of Wang Anshi and Sima Guang, for associates reaching 60 sui between1035 and 1110, excluding their respective opponents Scholars have pointed out that it is too simple to see Wang as representing the south and Sima Guang the north, and it is evident here that both had numerous associates in Kaifeng and Luoyang, residential centers for bureaucratic families. We can see that both men had national networks, but it is also obvious (and a density analysis proves this) that their respective centers of gravity are distinctly southern and northern, and in fact among the hundreds of men associated with them there is only once case of overlap between their respective associates (Fan Zhongyan). Daoxue Leaders and Their Networks in the Late Twelfth Century Zhu Xi ?? (1130-1200), Zhang Shi ?? (1133-1180), and L? Zuqian??? played important roles in the spread of the Learning of the Way (Daoxue) or Neo-Confucianism during the latter half of the twelfth century. They knew each other well, were in frequent correspondence with each other and collaborated on scholarly projects. At first glance, the distribution of their associates (excluding their critics) in Map 5 resembles the distribution of jinshi degree holders, as we might expect.  Map 5 Distribution of Associates of Zhu Xi, Zhang Shi and L? Zuqian Turning to the southeast in greater detail, however, we see that the distribution through the southeast is not uniform.  Map 6 Associates of Zhu, Zhang, and L? in the Southeastern Circuits. Prefectural boundaries from the China Historical GIS v. 5.0 When we break this down into three separate maps, we see that that the associates of L? Zuqian, residing in Wu zhou, Zhang Shi residing in Heng zhou, and Zhu Xi in Jianning fu were more tightly clustered than Map 6 at first suggests.  Map 7 Associates of L? Zuqian L??s associates predominate in Wu zhou, but he also has connections to scholars in the home prefectures of Zhang and Zhu. The reverse is true for Zhang and Zhu as well.  Map 8 Associates of Zhang Shi Map 9 Associates of Zhu Xi Although in their own lifetimes Zhu and L? were well known figures and travelled to court in Linan Fu (Hang zhou), their networks are narrower than what we saw for Wang Anshi and Sima Guang. But even within their own areas they did not have associates everywhere. Daoxue, Education, and Commerce The change in the scope of social networks can be accounted for by drawing on the conclusions of social historians: that as the number of men who regarded themselves as literati and participated in the examination system continued to grow in Southern Song, but the size of government did not, families had ever less hope of placing males in office. At the same time the number of literati families in a given locale with histories of government service inevitably increased over time. The shift away from the court toward engagement with local society ? founding private academies, instituting private welfare organizations, organizing lineages and composing genealogies, producing local histories ? encouraged building horizontal relationships. Local fame was a way of being nationally significant. Both Zhu and L? gathered students from the surrounding area around them while at home and taught occasionally elsewhere during their careers; this would account for the clustering in Maps 7-9. But they did not draw uniformly on the surrounding counties and prefectures. One possible explanation is to be found by comparing their networks with the distribution of Southern Song jinshi degree holders as shown in Map 10.  Map 10 Southern Jinshi ? and Associates of Zhu, Zhang and L? ? Map 10 shows that these Daoxue leaders were most successful in making ties in those places which there had been higher investments in education and more literati, as indicated by the larger number of examination degrees. This stands to reason, I think, given that Neo-Confucians presented themselves in the first place as teachers of a way of learning that was more true to the sages and better for the individual than the examination oriented education system they criticized. But there were some counties and prefectures with very successful records of examination success where they were less successful, both relatively and absolutely. These were the coastal cities of Fujian and Liangzhe and the heart of Jiangnan, from Hang zhou through Hu zhou and Su zhou to the Yangzi. CBDB has 635 unique persons associated with Zhu, Zhang and L?, ninety of whom cannot be located. But of the remaining 545 only 38 resided in Liangzhe West. Why should this be? A possible answer emerges when we combine the distribution of associates with the new, and much higher, commercial tax quota promulgated in 1077. Map 11 shows the result.  Map 11 Commercial tax quotas as of 1077 for Prefectural and Country seats and Market Towns in Liangzhe East and West and the Associates of Zhu, Zhang and L?. Source for tax data : Song huiyao jigao: shihuo 16-17 I take it as given that the commercial development of Jiangnan continued into Southern Song, and that the Hang-Su region was the heartland of commercial activity. This suggests a second conclusion: Neo-Confucians did well in places with higher levels of investment in education but less well in places where wealth was related to the private commercial economy. On reflection this fits well with what we know about Neo-Confucian social-economic views. In the Southern Song they turned away from ideas of land redistribution and state intervention while promoting the idea of literati elite leadership in local society. But they were not interested in the idea, advanced by statecraft thinkers such as Ye Shi ?? from the coastal city of Wen zhou, that government should invest in infrastructure in support of the commercial economy. They sided with, and drew support from, elite families that depended on the agrarian economy, families that were interested in both the social stability of their locale and in so their own continued (morally-responsible) dominance. L? Zuqian?s Wu zhou was on the border of this commercial region. L?, from a family of ?migr? officials, was not a local landowner but he had marriage alliances with one of them and drew students from well-to-do local families. In contrast, Chen Liang from Yongkang in Wuzhou allied himself with commercially oriented statecraft thinkers. Conclusion: Some Implications for Historical Methodology Geospatial analysis allows us to see quickly that there are spatial patterns that we might not otherwise think to look for, although if we had we could also have used statistical methods to reach the same conclusion. However, when we use GIS to analyze the prosopographical data that CBDB provides we can aggregate data without giving up access to information on each individual in the dataset. This is not apparent from the maps that are generated using a GIS program, which freeze a view, combine layers of different kinds of data, and are limited in color and size by the costs and technology of printing. In a GIS program the user/reader can add and drop layers, call up the data on individuals that the map has aggregated, and change the symbology. Certainly reaching the audience through online full-color maps is an improvement over the publication on paper of grayscale versions. Online publication does not, however, offer the capabilities of a GIS program. For some readers a solution will be to provide the GIS files as part of an online publication, although given my experience in using GIS in teaching I am not confident that the audiences we wish to reach will acquire this skill. An alternative is to make a scholarly investment in the use of online mapping platforms as the vehicle for the dissemination of research. At Harvard we have been developing one such platform, WorldMap?, built on open-source programming, which allows users to upload all the layers necessary for their own maps, create stabile views or allow users to make changes, control access to their work, and share it with others. Its ?ChinaMap? is an example of what is possible at the moment. Ultimately the use of geospatial analysis in historical studies will grow as we learn how to share the datasets that we build as part of our research. The China Historical GIS project, on which Harvard and the Center for Chinese Historical Geography at Fudan have collaborated since 2001, through its time-series of the administrative structure from 221 BC to 1911, provides the fundamental GIS necessary for the spatial analysis of historical data. The challenge is create sustainable links online between the dissemination of research narratives, the data we use in that research, and the analytic and visualization tools that we employ in our research. Bearman, Peter S. Relations into Rhetorics : Local Elite Social Structure in Norfolk, England, 1540-1640. The Arnold and Caroline Rose Monograph Series of the American Sociological Association. New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1993. . Bol, Peter K. "Neo-Confucianism and Local Society, Twelfth to Sixteenth Century: A Case Study." The Song-Yuan-Ming Transition in Chinese History. Eds. Smith, Paul and Richard von Glahn. Cambridge: Harvard University Asia Center, 2003. 241-83. Print. Bol, Peter K. "Reconceptualizing the Nation in Southern Song - Some Implications of Ye Shi's Statecraft Learning." Thought, Political Power, and Social Forces. Ed. Huang, Ko-wu. Taibei: Institute of Modern History, Academia Sinica, 2002. 33-64. Bol, Peter K. ""The Sung Examination System and the Shih" " Asia Major 3rd ser. 3.2 (1990). Bol, Peter K. (General Editor). "The China Biographical Database." Harvard University Fairbank Center for Chinese Studies, Academia Sinica Institute of History and Philology, Peking University Center for Research on Ancient Chinese History, 2011. Bol, Peter Kees. Neo-Confucianism in History. Harvard East Asian Monographs ; 307. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Asia Center : Distributed by Harvard University Press, 2008. Bossler, Beverley. Powerful Relations: Kinship, Status, and the State in Sung China (960-1279). Cambridge,Ma.: Harvard University, Council on East Asian Studies,, 1998. Chaffee, John W. The Thorny Gates of Learning in Sung China: A Social History of Examinations. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985. Chen Rongjie ???. Zhuzi Menren ????. Taibei: Xuesheng shuju, 1982. Chen Wenyi. "Networks, Communities, and Identities : On the Discursive Practices of Yuan Literati." Ph.D. Harvard University, 2007. Fuller, Michael A. The Cbdb User?s Guide. Second ed. Cambridge: China Biographical Database Project, 2011. Hartwell, Robert. "Demographic, Political, and Social Transformation of China, 750-1550." Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 42.2 (1982): 365-442. He Yousen ???. "Liang Song Xuefeng De Dili Fenbu ?????????." Xinya xuebao 1.1 (1955): 331-79. Huang Zongxi ???. Ming Ru Xue an ????. Beijing: Zhonghua shu ju, 2008. Huang Zongxi ???, and Quan Zuwang ???. Song Yuan Xue an ????. Beijing: Zhonghua shu ju, 1986. Hymes, Robert P. Statesmen and Gentlemen: The Elite of Fu-Chou, Chiang-Hsi, in Northern and Southern Sung. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986. Li Zhiliang ???. Song Chuan Shan Da Jun Shou Chen Yi Ti Kao ??????????. Chengdu: Ba Shu shu she, 2001. Li Zhiliang ???. Song Fujian Lu Jun Shou Nian Biao ????????. Chengdu: Ba Shu shu she, 2001. Li Zhiliang ???. Song Hebei Hedong Da Jun Shou Chen Yi Ti Kao ????????????. Chengdu: Ba Shu shu she, 2001. Li Zhiliang ???. Song Liang Guang Da Jun Shou Chen Yi Ti Kao ??????????. Chengdu: Ba Shu shu she, 2001. Li Zhiliang ???. Song Liang Hu Da Jun Shou Chen Yi Ti Kao ??????????. Chengdu: Ba Shu shu she, 2001. Li Zhiliang ???. Song Liang Huai Da Jun Shou Chen Yi Ti Kao ??????????. Chengdu: Ba Shu shu she, 2001. Li Zhiliang ???. Song Liang Jiang Jun Shou Yi Ti Kao ????????. Chengdu: Ba Shu shu she, 2001. Li Zhiliang ???. Song Liang Zhe Lu Jun Shou Nian Biao ????????. Chengdu ??: Ba Shu shu she ????, 2001. Padgett, John F., and Christopher K. Ansell. "Robust Action and the Rise of the Medici, 1400-1434." American Journal of Sociology 98 (1993): 1259-319. Wang Deyi ???. "Song Ren Zhuan Ji Zi Liao Suo Yin Dian Zi Ban ???????????." Taibei: ????????, As of 2005. Wang Zicai ???, and Feng Yunhao ???. Song Yuan Xue an Bu Yi ??????. Siming Cong Shu. China: Siming Zhang shi yue yuan ??????, 1937. Wetherhall, Charles. "Historical Social Network Analysis." New Methods for Social History. Eds. Griffin, Larry J. and Marcel van der Linden. International Review of Social History ; V. 43. Supplement 6. Cambridge ; New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998. 165. Wilson, Thomas. Genealogy of the Way: The Construction and Uses of the Confucian Tradition in Late Imperial China. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1995. Yang Yuan ??. "Bei Song Zaifu Renwu De Dili Fenbu ???????????." ??????????????? The Journal of the Institute of Chinese Studies of the Chinese University of Hong Kong 13 (1982): 147-213. Ye Shi ??. Ye Shi Ji ???. Beijing ??: Zhonghua shuju ????, 1961. Zhou Mengjiang ???. Ye Shi Yu Yongjia Xue Pai ???????. Hangzhou: Zhejiang gu ji, 2005.   Huang Zongxi ???, Ming Ru Xue an ???? (Beijing: Zhonghua shu ju, 2008), Huang Zongxi ??? and Quan Zuwang ???, Song Yuan Xue an ???? (Beijing: Zhonghua shu ju, 1986), Wang Zicai ??? and Feng Yunhao ???, Song Yuan Xue an Bu Yi ??????, Siming Cong Shu (China: Siming Zhang shi yue yuan ??????, 1937).  "Song Ren Zhuan Ji Zi Liao Suo Yin Dian Zi Ban ???????????," As of 2005, ????????. The analysis was based on a text-mining procedure in which the co-occurrences of the 25,000 names of the biographical subjects were mined in the all 25,000 biographies. This missed those people who do not have biographies in this dataset but none of them would rival the numbers of the leading figures.  Chen Rongjie ???, Zhuzi Menren ???? (Taibei: Xuesheng shuju, 1982).  Thomas Wilson, Genealogy of the Way: The Construction and Uses of the Confucian Tradition in Late Imperial China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1995).  He Yousen ???, "Liang Song Xuefeng De Dili Fenbu ?????????," Xinya xuebao 1.1 (1955).  Yang Yuan ??, "Bei Song Zaifu Renwu De Dili Fenbu ???????????," ??????????????? The Journal of the Institute of Chinese Studies of the Chinese University of Hong Kong 13 (1982).  A description an history of the project will be found at the CBDB website, http://isites.harvard.edu/icb/icb.do?keyword=k16229.  "The China Biographical Database," 2011, Harvard University Fairbank Center for Chinese Studies Academia Sinica Institute of History and Philology Peking University Center for Research on Ancient Chinese History, Harvard University Fairbank Center for Chinese Studies, Academia Sinica Institute of History and Philology, Peking University Center for Research on Ancient Chinese History, http://59.124.34.70/cbdbc/ttsweb?@0:0:1:cbdbkm@@0.10566209097417267. The version used in this study is 20110624CBDBw.mdb, available for download at the CBDB website.  "Song Ren Zhuan Ji Zi Liao Suo Yin Dian Zi Ban ???????????."  Li Zhiliang ???, Song Chuan Shan Da Jun Shou Chen Yi Ti Kao ??????????(Chengdu: Ba Shu shu she, 2001), Song Fujian Lu Jun Shou Nian Biao ???????? (Chengdu: Ba Shu shu she, 2001), Song Hebei Hedong Da Jun Shou Chen Yi Ti Kao ????????????, Song Liang Guang Da Jun Shou Chen Yi Ti Kao ?????????? (Chengdu: Ba Shu shu she, 2001), Song Liang Hu Da Jun Shou Chen Yi Ti Kao ?????????? (Chengdu: Ba Shu shu she, 2001), Song Liang Huai Da Jun Shou Chen Yi Ti Kao ?????????? (Chengdu: Ba Shu shu she, 2001), Song Liang Jiang Jun Shou Yi Ti Kao ???????? (Chengdu: Ba Shu shu she, 2001), Li Zhiliang ???, Song Liang Zhe Lu Jun Shou Nian Biao ???????? (Chengdu ??: Ba Shu shu she ????, 2001), "Song Ren Zhuan Ji Zi Liao Suo Yin Dian Zi Ban ???????????."  For a more extensive account of the CBDB structure and query capabilities see Michael A. Fuller, The Cbdb User?s Guide, Second ed. (Cambridge: China Biographical Database Project, 2011). available from the CBDB website.  John W. Chaffee, The Thorny Gates of Learning in Sung China: A Social History of Examinations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985).  For a brief discussion of the historical network analysis see Charles Wetherhall, "Historical Social Network Analysis," New Methods for Social History, eds. Larry J. Griffin and Marcel van der Linden, International Review of Social History ; V. 43. Supplement 6 (Cambridge ; New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998). Important examples of historical network analysis, both of which offer insights for Chinese history are Padgett?s account of how Cosmo d?Medici provided the link between distinct groups, see John F. Padgett and Christopher K. Ansell, "Robust Action and the Rise of the Medici, 1400-1434," American Journal of Sociology 98 (1993)., and Peter S. Bearman, Relations into Rhetorics : Local Elite Social Structure in Norfolk, England, 1540-1640, The Arnold and Caroline Rose Monograph Series of the American Sociological Association (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1993).  Robert P. Hymes, Statesmen and Gentlemen: The Elite of Fu-Chou, Chiang-Hsi, in Northern and Southern Sung. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), Beverley Bossler, Powerful Relations: Kinship, Status, and the State in Sung China (960-1279) (Cambridge,Ma.: Harvard University, Council on East Asian Studies,, 1998), Chaffee, The Thorny Gates of Learning in Sung China: A Social History of Examinations, Robert Hartwell, "Demographic, Political, and Social Transformation of China, 750-1550," Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 42.2 (1982), Peter K. Bol, "Neo-Confucianism and Local Society, Twelfth to Sixteenth Century: A Case Study," The Song-Yuan-Ming Transition in Chinese History, eds. Paul Smith and Richard von Glahn (Cambridge: Harvard University Asia Center, 2003), Peter Kees Bol, Neo-Confucianism in History, Harvard East Asian Monographs ; 307 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Asia Center : Distributed by Harvard University Press, 2008), Peter K. Bol, ""The Sung Examination System and the Shih" " Asia Major 3rd ser. 3.2 (1990). Chen Wenyi, "Networks, Communities, and Identities : On the Discursive Practices of Yuan Literati," Ph.D., Harvard University, 2007.  Peter K. Bol, "Reconceptualizing the Nation in Southern Song - Some Implications of Ye Shi's Statecraft Learning," Thought, Political Power, and Social Forces, ed. Ko-wu Huang (Taibei: Institute of Modern History, Academia Sinica, 2002), Ye Shi ??, Ye Shi Ji ??? (Beijing ??: Zhonghua shuju ????, 1961), Zhou Mengjiang ???, Ye Shi Yu Yongjia Xue Pai ??????? (Hangzhou: Zhejiang gu ji, 2005).  http://worldmap.harvard.edu/ ?WorldMap is an experimental platform designed for viewing and interpreting maps collaboratively. Today maps come from many sources and take many forms, from paper atlases to digital satellite images to census files. WorldMap aims to pull these and other hard-to-find maps together and make them available to researchers to explore, share, annotate, and remix. WorldMap combines modeling capabilities of Geographic Information Systems (GIS) with current web technologies, and is made available as Open Source software. Use the hosted version of WorldMap here or download and run the application on your own server. WorldMap stands on the shoulders of other Open Source projects including AfricaMap, GeoNode, OpenLayers, PostGIS, and GEOS. WorldMap is licensed under Version 3 of the GNU General Public License (GPL).?  To consult the online gazetteer or download the CHGIS GIS files go to http://www.fas.harvard.edu/~chgis/ . ?The main task of the CHGIS relational database is to create unique records for all of the administrative units down to the county (xian) level that were part of the historical dynasties of China from the time of unification (222 BCE) to the end of the dynastic period (1911 CE), and to provide documentation of the sources used to create each record. At the same time records will be created for the various states and confederations independent of those empires, referred to as "Regimes." The purpose is to create a basic database to contain all the aforementioned administrative units which can be queried and linked to digital geographic objects. In addition, settlements below the county seat level are included for some areas and periods. Settlement data will be further expanded once the basic administrative structure is established. Queries to the database must allow users to select out the valid administrative units for any date covered by the database, or to find particular historical places by name and by feature type. Each administrative unit record in the database will also define its relationship to the hierarchical organization of the territory of the Dynasty or Regime. For example, a related table will show that a particular prefecture record was part of a particular province for a specific period of time. The hierarchical relationships can be queried repetitively to determine the administrative parent jurisdiction or subordinate jurisdictions, from the Dynasty level down to the county level. In addition to working directly within the relational database, the users must be able to link each record to a geographic object in GIS. In other words, for a particular prefecture record, the user must be able to find a spatial object to represent the prefecture as a digital map. For prefectures, provinces, regimes, and dynasties CHGIS will digitize both polygons (to represent the area of jurisdiction) and points (to represent the location of the administrative seat). Counties and all other settlement types below the county will be digitized as point features.?     Bol ? GIS, Prosopography, and History 13