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\jexpand\viewkind1\viewscale100\pgbrdrhead\pgbrdrfoot\splytwnine\ftnlytwnine\htmautsp\nolnhtadjtbl\useltbaln\alntblind\lytcalctblwd\lyttblrtgr \fet0\sectd \linex0\endnhere\titlepg\sectdefaultcl {\footer \pard\plain \s17\ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar \tx360\tqc\tx4320\tqr\tx8640\pvpara\phmrg\posxc\posy0\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\field{\*\fldinst {\cs18 PAGE }}{\fldrslt {\cs18\lang1024\langfe1024\noproof 52}}}{\cs18 \par }\pard \s17\ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360\tqc\tx4320\tqr\tx8640\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 { \par }}{\*\pnseclvl1\pnucrm\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxta .}}{\*\pnseclvl2\pnucltr\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxta .}}{\*\pnseclvl3\pndec\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxta .}}{\*\pnseclvl4\pnlcltr\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxta )}} {\*\pnseclvl5\pndec\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxtb (}{\pntxta )}}{\*\pnseclvl6\pnlcltr\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxtb (}{\pntxta )}}{\*\pnseclvl7\pnlcrm\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxtb (}{\pntxta )}}{\*\pnseclvl8 \pnlcltr\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxtb (}{\pntxta )}}{\*\pnseclvl9\pnlcrm\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxtb (}{\pntxta )}}\pard\plain \s19\qc \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs24\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\b\fs36 \par \par \par \par \par \par \par \par \par \par \par Food Sovereignty Revisited: Should the United States Reevaluate its Commitment to Free Trade in Food Products in the 21}{\b\fs36\super st}{\b\fs36 Century? \par \par \par \par \par }{\b Erika Moore \par April 30, 2002 \par Class of 2002 \par In Satisfaction of Course Requirement and Third Year Written Requirement \par }\pard \s19\ql \li0\ri0\sl360\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\b \par }\pard \s19\qj \fi720\li720\ri0\sl360\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin720\itap0 {\b\ul \par \par \par \par \par \par \par \par \par Abstract}{\b : }{Since the tragic events of September 11, 2001, the U.S. government has worked to prevent another terrorist attack on American citizens. One possible form of attack could be intentional adulteration of the food supply. This paper e xamines that threat and poses the question: Should the United States reduce its commitment to free trade in food in order to protect the American public from a foodborne attack? Part I examines the likelihood of an attack on the food supply and the actio n s the federal government has taken thus far to prevent such an attack. Part II explores the U.S. commitment to free trade in food in the past few decades by investigating its involvement in international institutions designed to promote free trade, inclu d ing GATT, the WTO, and NAFTA. Part III analyzes economic arguments for and against trade in all goods, including food. Part IV discusses the effects of trade liberalization on food safety. Part V evaluates arguments and counterarguments on the relation s hip between trade liberalization and food security. Finally, Part VI contains the final conclusion that the United States should continue its commitment to free trade in all goods, regardless of the possibility of an attack on the food supply. Such an a ttack could be prevented through other measures, especially by increasing the amount of FDA and USDA import inspectors. \par }\pard \s19\qj \fi720\li720\ri0\widctlpar\tx360\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin720\itap0 {\b\ul \par }{ \par {\pntext\pard\plain\s19 \b\f1 \hich\af1\dbch\af0\loch\f1 I.\tab}}\pard \s19\qc \fi-720\li720\ri0\sl-260\slmult0\widctlpar\tx360\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn \pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls1\pnrnot0\pnucrm\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang{\pntxta .}} \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\ls1\adjustright\rin0\lin720\itap0 {\b Terrorism and the Food Supply \par }\pard \s19\ql \li0\ri0\sl-260\slmult0\widctlpar\tx360\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\b \par {\pntext\pard\plain\s19 \b\f1 \hich\af1\dbch\af0\loch\f1 A.\tab}}\pard \s19\qj \fi-360\li360\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls2\pnrnot0\pnucltr\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang{\pntxta .}} \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\ls2\adjustright\rin0\lin360\itap0 {\b How Could Terrorists Affect the Food Supply? \par }\pard \s19\qj \fi720\li0\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {The tragic events of September 11, 2001 changed American s ociety forever. The long-term effects will surely be felt for years to come, but short-term results are already apparent. One such result is that the average American no longer feels completely safe in the world. While most people who were not directly affected have attempted to move on with their lives, many have lingering fears that the next terror attack could strike at any time and directly involve them. Despite these fears, the average American is unequipped to protect himself adequately against u nexpected attacks. Instead it is the responsibility of the federal government to anticipate future terror incidents and protect the public against them. \par }\pard\plain \qj \li0\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\fs24 \tab \tab To this end, federal policymakers have worked tirelessly since September 11 to identify aspects of American life that are vulnerable to terror activities. One commonly mentioned area of vulnerability is the food supply.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i See, e.g.}{ , Robert Vosburgh, }{\i Fresh Threat; The Food Industry Seeks To Build Better Safeguards Against \par \tab Bioterrorism}{, }{\scaps Supermarket News}{, Nov. 5, 2001, at 27. }}}{\fs24 Policymakers fear that terrorists could utilize bacteria or other harmful agents to adulterate food at numerous points on the supply c hain. Possibilities range from exposing livestock to foot-and-mouth disease to tainting salad bars with salmonella.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec } \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{\fs24 In addition to numerous points of introduction, there are numerous harmful agents that could be used. Commonly mentioned possibilities include anthrax, smallpox, the plague, botulism, dysentery, cyclospora, hepatitis, tularemia, and hemorrhagic fever.} {\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ Frederick Golden, }{\i What\rquote s Next?; It Could Be Smallpox, Botulism or Other Equally Deadly Biological \par \tab Agents}{, }{\scaps Time}{, Nov. 5, 2001, at 44.}}}{\fs24 Since the possible points of introduction and harmful agents are so numerous, it is difficult for the government to formulate a broad-base d plan of action to prevent terror attacks on the food supply. \par \tab \tab Despite this difficulty, many policymakers believe the threat to the food supply is very real. At a speech on food safety and security at the fourth annual Food Safety Summit and Expo, Senat or Pat Roberts of Kansas, the only senator to serve simultaneously on the Armed Services, Intelligence and Agriculture Committees, elaborated on his fears.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ Milford Prewitt, }{\i Safety Summit: Securing U.S. Food Supply an Uphill Battle}{, }{ \scaps Nation\rquote s Restaurant \par \tab News}{, Mar. 25, 2002, at 1.}}}{\fs24 He revealed that several of the terrorists involved with the events of September 11 had advanced degrees in Agriculture.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{\fs24 He also reported that Al Qaeda documents captured by U.S. troops in Afghanistan indicate an intention to use crop-dusting planes to spread germs over vast regions of the U.S.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar \tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{\fs24 Finally, he detailed visits he had made to weapons factories in the former Soviet Union; these factories contained stockpiles of livestock diseases and other germs that had been retained for use against the United States in case of war.}{ \cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{ \i Id}{.}}}{\fs24 These factories are poorly guarded, and Roberts speculated that many of the germs had already been sold to foreign governments or groups.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i See id}{.}}}{\fs24 \par \tab \tab In all this negative information, one positive point is that many policymakers believe that fatalities from attacks on the food supply would be minimal.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i See}{ Thomas Frank, }{\i Fight Over Food Supply Safety; Amid Fears of Terror, Congress, Industry Disagree \par \tab on Regulations}{, }{\scaps Newsday}{, Apr. 7, 2002, at A8.}}}{\fs24 Experts believe that disaster relief programs are organized well enough to contain outbreaks and avoid vast loss of human life.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i See id}{.}}}{\fs24 On the other hand, an attack on the food supply could cause immense economic damage.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec } \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{\fs24 The agricultural sector constitutes $500 billion of U.S. GDP, and $60 billion of this figure comes from exports.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ Matthew Schaefer, }{\i Sovereignty Revisited: Food Safety Regulations \endash Cross-Border Implications \endash A \par \tab U.S. Perspective}{, 24 }{\scaps Can.-U.S. L.J.}{ 377, 378 (1998).}}}{\fs24 Additionally, the U.S. agricultural sector employs ten million workers.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{\fs24 If consumers, either domestic or foreign, stop buying American food products, the economic effects could be devastating. \par {\pntext\pard\plain\s1 \b\f1 \hich\af1\dbch\af0\loch\f1 B.\tab}}\pard\plain \s1\ql \fi-360\li360\ri0\sl480\slmult1\keepn\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls2\pnrnot0\pnucltr\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang{\pntxta .}} \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\ls2\outlinelevel0\adjustright\rin0\lin360\itap0 \b\f1\fs24\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {What Responses Have Been Proposed? \par }\pard\plain \s16\qj \li0\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs24\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\tab \tab As a result, the federal government must take action to protect the food supply against infiltration by terrorist groups. Since September 11, several responses have been proposed. In fact, on September 12, 2001, officials from t he Department of Agriculture (USDA), Food and Drug Administration (FDA), and Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) collectively appealed to food industry officials to evaluate the security of the food supply chain and fix any problems.}{ \cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ Vosburgh }{\i supra}{ note 1.}}}{ \par \tab \tab Since then, most of the work on the food security problem has been done by the food industry itself. While the complete details have not been released to the public for security reasons, the industry has taken action.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i See }{Diane Feen, }{ \i Bioterrorism Threat Has Food PR Pros On Edge}{, }{\scaps O\rquote Dwyer\rquote s PR Services Report}{, \par \tab Mar. 2002, at 1.}}}{ First, trade groups like the United Fresh Fruit and Vegetable Association and the International Dairy Foods Association have formed their own task forces on food safety.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ Vosburgh }{\i supra}{ note 1.}}}{ These task forces have developed food safety checklists for members of the trade groups. The checklists address such issues a s hiring security for processing and storage areas, reevaluating transportation networks, screening potential employees, and revising import procedures.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{ Second, another trade group, the National Grocers Association (NGA), has urged its members to begin employee education programs.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec } \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ Seth Mendelson, }{\i Keeping Our Food Safe}{, }{\scaps Grocery Headquarters}{, Dec. 1, 2001, at 18. }}}{ These programs have two goals: 1) teaching employees to spot potential hazards and 2) teaching employees to relate safety information to the public.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{ \par \tab \tab However, any complete food security plan must involve the federal government. Proposals have suggested that the government respond in several ways. First, some argue that more research should be done on the biology of foodborne pathogens.}{ \cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i See id}{.}}}{ If the government has a better understanding of the way the pathogens operate, it can develop a more targeted response plan in the event of a bioterrorist attack. The government could complete this biological research in its own labs or it could fund private research efforts. \par \tab \tab Second, some proposals suggest that the national food regulatory system should be revamped. One problem with the current system is that the agencies had no specific bioterrorist attack response plan in place prior to September 11.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i See}{ Vosburgh, }{\i supra}{ note 1.}}}{ Another problem is that the responsibility for protecting the food supply falls to at least nine different agencies.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{ Critics claim that the fractured nature of the regulatory system could lead to holes in coverage, lack of communication and coordination, and \'93passing the buck\'94 from agency to agency.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i See id}{.}}}{ Congress is therefore conside ring legislation to consolidate all food safety regulatory bodies into a centralized agency.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec } \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i See}{ Cecelia Blalock, }{\i An Air of Uncertainty: As the Grocery Industry Looks Ahead in 2002, There\rquote s \par \tab Always a Caveat}{, }{\scaps Grocery Headquarters}{, Feb. 1, 2002, at 10.}}}{ \par \tab \tab Third, other proposals suggest that the food regulatory agencies should hire more inspectors. Immediately after September 11, the FDA employed only 600 i nspectors who were responsible for safeguarding over 50,000 domestic food processing facilities.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec } \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ Carol Radice, }{\i Government Focuses on Food Safety; Ensuring the Safety of the Nation\rquote s Food Supply \par \tab Has Taken Center Stage in Light of Concerns About Bioterrorism}{, }{\scaps Grocery Headquarters}{, Feb. 1, \par \tab 2002, at 10.}}}{ An additional 150 inspectors examined food imports.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ Vosburgh, }{\i supra}{ note 1.}}}{ This small number of inspectors was disproportionate to the four million shipments of food that enter t he United States from over one hundred countries each year.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i See id}{.}}}{ As a result of this shortage of inspectors, the FDA only inspected 1% of food imports.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar \tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ Radice, }{\i supra }{note 25.}}}{ \par \tab \tab Finally, another proposal suggests that the federal government require country-of-origin labeling on a ll imported food products. However, grocery stores and their trade associations oppose this suggestion because it would increase their costs significantly.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i See}{ Blalock, }{\i supra}{ note 24.}}}{ The Bush Administration and much of the Senate disapprove of the idea, so it is unlikely it will be implemented unless there is a political shift.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0 \pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i See id}{.}}}{ \par {\pntext\pard\plain\s16 \b\f1 \hich\af1\dbch\af0\loch\f1 C.\tab}}\pard \s16\qj \fi-360\li360\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls2\pnrnot0\pnucltr\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang{\pntxta .}} \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\ls2\adjustright\rin0\lin360\itap0 {\b What Has the Government Done? \par }\pard \s16\qj \fi720\li0\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 { Several branches of the federal government have responded to the food safety proposals. As part of his $20 billion counter-terrorism bill, President Bush requested and Congress approved $61 million for food safety initiatives.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ Radice, }{\i supra}{ note 25.}}}{ Most of this money will be used to hire new employees, including 600 new food inspectors.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec } \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{ One-half of these will be employed at ports of entry for food imports, one-fourth will be employed as domestic food inspectors, and the rest will be employed at the FDA labs.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{ Thirty-five of the new domestic food inspectors have been trained in a special course at Texas A&M University focusing on microbiological hazards to the food supply.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{ \par President Bush aga in tackled the food terrorism issue in his 2003 fiscal year budget proposals. The administration has requested $328.1 million for USDA counter-terrorism measures; this money would help improve food safety labs, hire more inspectors, and purchase technolo gy to toughen import inspections.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ Kristi Ellis, }{\i Bush Lieutenants Stress Security Measures}{, }{\scaps Supermarket News}{, Mar. 18, 2002, at 1.}}}{ The administration has requested an additional $159 million for FDA counter-terrorism measures; with this money, the FDA will ensure that it has an inspector at each possible port of entry for imports.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{ \par }\pard\plain \qj \li0\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\fs24 \tab \tab The food regulat ory agencies have also responded to criticism that they are unable to handle a food terror incident. For example, the USDA created the Food Emergency Rapid Response and Evaluation Team; this group will be the central command for USDA employees in the eve nt of a bioterrorist incident.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ Vosburgh, }{\i supra}{ note 1.}}}{\fs24 The USDA also established the Foodborne Outbreak Coordination Group; this group will be the coordinating mechanism for federal, state and local authorities in the event of a bioterrorist incident.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{\fs24 \par \tab \tab Additionally, the FDA researched food safety precautions in cooperation with the food industry.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec } \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i See }{Kim Severson, }{\i Food Fright; FDA Dishes Out New Anti-Terror Rules To Protect Farms, \par \tab Restaurants, Groceries}{, }{\scaps The San Francisco Chronicle}{, Jan. 9, 2002, at A1.}}}{\fs24 The result was publication of voluntary guidelines for restaurants, grocery stores, farms, and food processing plants in the Federal Register on January 9, 2002.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i See}{ Allen Houston, }{\i FDA Moves To Educate US Food Suppliers}{, }{\scaps PR Week (US)}{, Jan. 14, 2002, at 1.}}}{\fs24 The Grocery Manufacturers of America (GMA) insists that large companies have already implemented most of the guidelines.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ Severson, }{\i supra}{ note 39.}}}{\fs24 Small businesses face greater costs of implementation, so they are instituting the suggestions at a slower pace. In addition to the guidelines for dom estic food operations, the FDA also published guidelines for importers of foreign foods and food products.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec } \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i See }{Guidance for Industry \endash Importers and Filers: Food Security Preventive Measures Guidance, 67 \par \tab Fed. Reg. 1224 (Jan. 9, 2002).}}}{\fs24 There is no data on the degree of implementation of these specifications. \par {\pntext\pard\plain\s1 \b\f1 \hich\af1\dbch\af0\loch\f1 D.\tab}}\pard\plain \s1\qj \fi-360\li360\ri0\sl480\slmult1\keepn\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls2\pnrnot0\pnucltr\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang{\pntxta .}} \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\ls2\outlinelevel0\adjustright\rin0\lin360\itap0 \b\f1\fs24\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {Why Are Imports A Special Problem? \par }\pard\plain \qj \fi720\li0\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\fs24 Despite this attempt by the FDA to pro vide guidance to importers, foreign food products imported into the United States pose a significant opportunity for terrorists. HHS Secretary Tommy Thompson stated in October of 2001 that safety of imports is the most serious food-related security issue .}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ Golden }{\i supra}{ note 2.}}}{\fs24 As just one example, a common source of food additives is gum arabic, a plant imported into the United States largely from Sudan.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar \tx360\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{\fs24 Since Sudan has been linked to terrorist groups, including Osama bin Laden\rquote s Al Qaeda, Sudanese imports pose some risk of contamination.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 { \cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i See id}{.}}}{\fs24 Yet, Sudanese gum arabic plants enter the United States via Canada, and they are not inspected at the border because of NAFTA regulations.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{\fs24 \par }\pard\plain \s24\qj \fi720\li0\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\fs24 Even imports that enter the United States without the assistance of trade agreements pose a significant danger. As mentioned above, FDA employees inspect only one percent of imported food products. It is doubtful that resources could ever be increased to a level where even a majority of imports were inspected. As a result, the American public faces a situation where millions of imported foods enter the country unexamined every year. Any one of these food products could be deliberately contaminated with a foodborne pathogen. This pathogen could then spread, causing huge economic loss and poss ibly even human fatalities. \par If the United States cannot adequately inspect imports, should we import as many food products as we currently do? A possible solution to the problem of bioterrorism through imported foods is to restrict imports, particularly f rom countries like Sudan that have terrorist ties. This would be a drastic measure, especially considering the fact that the United States has been committed to a regime of free trade for the past few decades. Still, the protection of the American publi c in a time of war and uncertainty could warrant drastic measures. The remainder of this paper will answer the question: Should the United States reduce its commitment to free trade in food in order to protect the American public from a foodborne attack? \par {\pntext\pard\plain\s3 \b\f1 \hich\af1\dbch\af0\loch\f1 II.\tab}}\pard\plain \s3\qc \fi-720\li720\ri0\sl480\slmult1\keepn\widctlpar\tx360\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn \pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls1\pnrnot0\pnucrm\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang{\pntxta .}} \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\ls1\outlinelevel2\adjustright\rin0\lin720\itap0 \b\f1\fs24\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {History of U.S. and International Attitudes Toward Trade in Food \par }\pard\plain \s22\qj \fi720\li0\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs24\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 { In order to decide whether the U.S. should change its attitude towards trade in food, it is important to examine past U.S. policy on the issue and the motivations for it. This examination wil l begin with U.S. participation in the adoption of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) at the end of World War II, discuss the U.S. involvement in the formation of the World Trade Organization (WTO), and investigate U.S. involvement in some disputes over trade in food settled under WTO auspices. It will conclude with a brief mention of U.S. involvement in regional free trade initiatives, like the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). \par {\pntext\pard\plain\s1 \b\f1 \hich\af1\dbch\af0\loch\f1 A.\tab}}\pard\plain \s1\qj \fi-360\li360\ri0\sl480\slmult1\keepn\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls3\pnrnot0\pnucltr\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang{\pntxta .}} \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\ls3\outlinelevel0\adjustright\rin0\lin360\itap0 \b\f1\fs24\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {GATT \par }\pard\plain \qj \fi720\li0\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\fs24 Immediately after World War II, the United States and other countries recognized the role that economic disasters had in causing the war.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0 \pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i See}{ }{\scaps John H. Jackson, et al.}{, }{\scaps Legal Problems of International Economic Relations: Cases, \par \tab Materials and Text}{, 200 (4}{\super th}{ ed. 2002).}}}{\fs24 These nations worked together to establish international economic institutions that would prevent pre-war economic conditions from reoccurring. The United Nations (UN), International Monetary Fund (IMF), International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (World Bank), and General Agreement for Tariffs and Trade (GATT) were all borne out of these efforts.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.\tab }}}{\fs24 GATT, which became effective on January 1, 1948, was originally intended to create an international body, called the International Trade Organization (ITO), to facilitate free trade among nations.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ Mark King, }{\i The Dilemma of Genetically Modified Products at Home and Abroad}{, 6 }{\scaps Drake J. Agric. L.}{ \par \tab 241, 244 (2001).}}}{\fs24 However, the United States, which had initially acted as a major proponent of the ITO, refused to ratify it, and GATT evolved into a multilateral treaty on free trade.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{\fs24 \par Through this treaty, signatory nations agreed to reduce tariffs and \'93non-tariff measures\'94 that protected domestic goods at the expense of imports.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\scaps Jackson}{, }{\i supra}{ note 47, at 209.}}}{\fs24 So-called \'93 non-tariff measures\'94 included quotas, subsidies for domestic producers, dumping practices, protectionist customs policies, and trade-restrictive safety regulations.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{\fs24 Two important obligations of signatory nations to GATT were the Most Favored Nation Clause and the national treatment policy. The Most Favored Nation Clause stipulated that GATT members must apply the same trade policies to all other GATT members.}{ \cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{ \i Id}{.}}}{\fs24 The national treatment policy stated that GATT members must not discriminate against imported goods from other GATT nations in favor of domestic goods.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{\fs24 \par While these GATT rules originally applied to agricultural products, the U.S. initiated the departure from this practice. In 1955, the U.S. requested and obtained a waiver from Article XI of GATT so that it could place quot as on certain imported agricultural products.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{. at 398.}}}{\fs24 Most other GATT members followed suit and placed their own quotas on agricultural products.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{\fs24 For example, when the European Country (EC) formulated its Common Agricultural Policy (CAP), it included provisions stating that it would charge any tariff it wanted on agricultural products.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{\fs24 Since almost all GATT members, including the U.S., EC, and most developing countries, were ignoring GATT rules with respect to agricultural products, their policies were never challenged.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{\fs24 \par {\pntext\pard\plain\s1 \b\f1 \hich\af1\dbch\af0\loch\f1 B.\tab}}\pard\plain \s1\qj \fi-360\li360\ri0\sl480\slmult1\keepn\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls3\pnrnot0\pnucltr\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang{\pntxta .}} \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\ls3\outlinelevel0\adjustright\rin0\lin360\itap0 \b\f1\fs24\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {WTO \par }\pard\plain \qj \fi720\li0\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\fs24 While the United States had been the original party to deviate from GATT agricultural policies, it started to regret this action in the 1980s and 1990s. GATT nations as a whole recognized the deviation from initial agricultural policie s and began a work program in the early 1980s \'93to bring agriculture more fully into the multilateral trading system by improving the effectiveness of GATT rules, provisions and disciplines.\'94}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ Ministerial Declaration of 29 November 1982, GATT B.I.S.D. (33}{\super rd}{ Supp.) at 19 (1986).}}}{\fs24 This work program created the Committee on Trade in Agriculture which made several recommendations about bringing trade in agricultural products back into the GATT domain, but these were never officially adopted.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ Dale E. McNiel, }{\i Agricultural Trade Symposium: Furtherin g the Reforms of Agricultural Policies in the \par \tab Millennium Round}{, 9 }{\scaps Minn. J. Global Trade}{ 41, 51-2 (2000).}}}{\fs24 At the same time, GATT members began to realize that the entire system, not just trade in agricultural p roducts, had become outdated and needed reform. To this end, they began the Uruguay Round of trade negotiations in Punta del Este, Uruguay in September of 1986.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id.}{ at 52.}}}{\fs24 \par The Uruguay Round eventually resulted in the formation of the World Trade Organization, an international body chartered to promote free trade among nations. So, GATT members did finally ratify the International Trade Organization; however, the ratification occurred fifty years late of an organization with a different name. Nevertheless, the r oad to ratification, especially of new agricultural provisions, was not easy. \par On July 7, 1987, in the midst of the Uruguay Round, the United States proposed a ten-year phase-out of agricultural subsidies and import barriers that impede trade.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{\fs24 The U.S. als o proposed harmonization of food safety regulations on an international level.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{\fs24 These proposals were not well received and they actually slowed the progress of the Uruguay Round.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id.}{ at 53.}}}{\fs24 Three years later in 1990, the US supported a draft agricultural agreement that called for initial \'93tariffication\'94 of non-tariff barriers to imports and eventual removal of these tariffs.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id.}{ at 54.}}}{\fs24 This proposal was too extreme for the EC, and they proposed a less extreme measure calling for a 30% reduction in aggregate support for domestic agricultural products.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{\fs24 However, the sides could not agree and the agricultural issue blocked the closing conference of the Uruguay Round in Brussels.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec } \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{. at 54-5.}}}{\fs24 \par The two sides then undertook one year of further negotiations. This year produced a Draft Final Act that called for a 36% reduction in tariffs and a 20% reduction in aggregate support to domestic agricultural products.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id.}{ at 55.}}}{\fs24 Japanese and European farmers rioted to protest this proposal.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id.}}}{\fs24 In response to this sort of political pressure, the EC rejected the Draft Final Act and the parties returned to the bargaining table. At these final negotiations, the U.S. and EC amended the original Draft Final Act to provide exemptions for support payments to small farmers.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id.}{ at 56.}}}{\fs24 The parties finalized the Agreement on Agriculture in 1992; this agreement became part of a set of documents on trade issues enforced by the WTO. \par Three of these documents relate specifically to trade in food products. The first is the aforementioned Agreement on Agriculture; it stipulates the ty pe and extent of government policies that may be used to assist domestic agricultural sectors. Second, the Technical Barriers to Trade Agreement (TBT Agreement) guides Members in enacting technical food regulations, including those involving packaging an d labeling requirements. Finally, the Agreement on the Application of Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures (SPS Agreement) governs the formulation of domestic food safety standards. \par {\pntext\pard\plain\s1 \b\f1 \hich\af1\dbch\af0\loch\f1 C.\tab}}\pard\plain \s1\qj \fi-360\li360\ri0\sl480\slmult1\keepn\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls3\pnrnot0\pnucltr\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang{\pntxta .}} \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\ls3\outlinelevel0\adjustright\rin0\lin360\itap0 \b\f1\fs24\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {SPS Agreement}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0 \pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i See generally}{ Agreement on the Application of Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures, Apr. 15, 1994, \par \tab Final Act, pt. II, Annex 1A (4) (reprinted }{\cf1 at }{\field\flddirty{\*\fldinst {\cf1 HYPERLINK "http://www.wto.org/wto/goods/spsagr.htm" }{\cf1 {\*\datafield 00d0c9ea79f9bace118c8200aa004ba90b02000000170000002800000068007400740070003a002f002f007700770077002e00770074006f002e006f00720067002f00770074006f002f0067006f006f00640073002f007300700073006100670072002e00680074006d000000e0c9ea79f9bace118c8200aa004ba90b5000 000068007400740070003a002f002f007700770077002e00770074006f002e006f00720067002f00770074006f002f0067006f006f00640073002f007300700073006100670072002e00680074006d000000}}}{\fldrslt {\cs28\cf1 http://www.wto.org{\*\bkmkstart _Hlt7878169}/ {\*\bkmkend _Hlt7878169}wto/goods/spsagr.htm}}}{) [hereinafter SPS \par \tab Agreement].}}}{ \par }\pard\plain \s22\qj \fi720\li0\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs24\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {In order to understand the WTO \rquote s authority over domestic food safety standards, it is important to understand the functions and structure of the SPS Agreement. The Prologue lists the objectives of the Agreement. It begins by stating that \'93 no Member should be prevented from adopting or enforcing measures necessary to protect human, animal or plant life or health, subject to the requirement that these measures are not applied in a manner which would constitute a means of arbitrary or unjustifiable discrimination between Members where the same conditions prevail or a disguised restriction on international trade.\'94 It continues by stating that international guidelines would be useful in steering the development of domestic food safety standards. Finally, the Prologue concludes by recognizing the special difficulties t hat developing countries might have in complying with the SPS Agreement and resolving to grant them special consideration. \par }\pard\plain \qj \fi720\li0\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\fs24 Article 1 concerns \'93 General Provisions\'94 and declares that the SPS Agreement shall apply to all food safety standards that directly or indirectly affect international trade. Article 2 discusses \'93Basic Rights and Obligations\'94 and confirms that each Member has a right to enact food safety measures necessary to protect the public health. However, these measures must be based on sufficie nt scientific evidence, and they cannot be disguised restrictions on international trade. Article 3 involves \'93Harmonization\'94 and orders Members to base SPS measures on international standards where possible. Any domestic SPS measure that follows internat ional standards will be deemed in compliance with the SPS Agreement. Members can only institute domestic safety standards that are more stringent than international standards when they are based on a scientific justification. Finally, Members have an ob ligation to participate in the international bodies that monitor human, animal and plant health, including the Codex Alimentarius Commission (Codex), the International Office of Epizootics, and the International Plant Protection Convention. \par Article 4 discusses \'93Equivalence\'94 and provides a mechanism whereby exporting nations can establish that their food safety regulations are equivalent to those of an importing nation. Article 5 concerns \'93 Assessment of Risk and Determination of the Appropriate Level of Sanitary or Phytosanitary Protection.\'94 It cautions Members to ensure that their SPS standards are based on risk assessments that use techniques approved by international bodies. In assessing risks, Members can and should consider scientific evidence, ecologi cal and environmental conditions, economic factors, and the objective of minimizing negative trade effects. In situations where there is insufficient scientific evidence to make a risk assessment, Members may adopt provisional SPS measures, but they shou ld attempt to gather further scientific evidence before making the provisional measures permanent. \par Article 6 is entitled \'93Adaptation to Regional Conditions, Including Pest- or Disease-Free Areas and Areas of Low Pest or Disease Prevalence.\'94 Under this A rticle, Members cannot apply their domestic food safety standards to exporting countries as a whole. They must consider the fact that different regions of a country have different levels of diseases and pests. In other words, fruit from one region of a c ountry may be safe while the same fruit from another region is not; consequently, importing nations cannot ban fruit from the entire country. Additionally, exporting Members may claim that specific areas within their countries are pest- and disease-free, but they must provide evidence to support this claim. Article 7 addresses \'93Transparency,\'94 and it states that Members must notify other Members of changes in their domestic SPS measures. Article 8 involves \'93 Control, Inspection and Approval Procedures;\'94 it instructs Members to follow the guidelines of Annex C in establishing national systems of control, inspection and approval. \par Article 9 entails provisions on \'93Technical Assistance.\'94 Under it, Members agree to provide assistance to other Members, especially developing countries, in understanding and complying with domestic SPS regulations. Such aide may take the form of advice, credits, donations, grants, training or equipment. Article 10 includes provisions on \'93Special and Differential Treatment.\'94 Member s consent to consider the needs of developing countries when enacting domestic SPS measures. Members also agree to implement SPS measures that will be applicable to developing exporters on a slower schedule than other members. Article 11 considers \'93 Consultation and Dispute Settlement,\'94 and it specifies that disputes under the SPS Agreement will be settled under the WTO\rquote s Dispute Settlement Understanding. In a dispute involving technical issues, the dispute settlement panel will seek assistance from scientific experts. \par Article 12 lists \'93Administration\'94 details. It establishes a Committee on Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures to implement the agreement. Among other administrative functions, the Committee will facilitate negotiations between Members on SP S issues, maintain close contact with Codex, and monitor international harmonization of food safety standards. Article 13 discusses \'93Implementation\'94 and states that Members are responsible for ensuring that regional governments and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) comply with the provisions of the SPS Agreement. Article 14 involves \'93Final Provisions;\'94 it discusses adoption of the SPS Agreement by developing countries. \par Finally, the SPS Agreement includes three annexes. The first, Annex A, defines important terms, including sanitary or phytosanitary measure, harmonization, risk assessment, and others. Annex B, entitled \'93 Transparency of Sanitary and Phytosanitary Regulations,\'94 details procedures that Members must follow when notifying other Members of new food safety standards. Annex C elaborates on the \'93Control, Inspection and Approval Procedures\'94 discussed in Article 8. In summary, it ensures that inspections are conducted without undue delays, in a confidential manner, and to a degree that is reasonable and necessary. \par {\pntext\pard\plain\s7 \b\f1 \hich\af1\dbch\af0\loch\f1 D.\tab}}\pard\plain \s7\qj \fi-360\li360\ri0\sl480\slmult1\keepn\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls3\pnrnot0\pnucltr\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang{\pntxta .}} \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\ls3\outlinelevel6\adjustright\rin0\lin360\itap0 \b\f1\fs24\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {Codex Alimentarius Commission \par }\pard\plain \qj \fi720\li0\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\fs24 Since the SPS Agreement relies so heavily on international standards set by Codex, it is important to understand the origin and functions of that body. Codex is a subgroup of the United Nations that was founded in 1962 as a joint project of the World Health Organization (WHO) and the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO).}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec } \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ Lucinda Sikes, }{\i FDA\rquote s Consideration of Codex Alimentarius Standards in Light of International Trade \par \tab Agreements}{, 53 }{\scaps Food Drug L.J.}{ 327, 328 (1998).}}}{\fs24 It has two functions: (1) to facilitate international trade in food and (2) to promote public health.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar \tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{\fs24 Originally, Codex set stand ards to assist in identifying and labeling foods.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{\fs24 It never claimed to determine food safety standards. Codex currently has 162 members, and their adherence to Codex standards is voluntary under the Codex charter.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{\fs24 Codex members are not obligated to imp lement Codex standards because Codex is committed to encouraging the sovereignty of its members.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec } \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i See}{ John S. Eldred & Shirley A. Coffield, }{\i What Every Food Manufacturer Needs To Know: Realizing \par \tab the Impact of Globalization on National Food Regulation}{, 52 Food Drug L.J. 31, 33 (1997).}}}{ \par }\pard \qj \li0\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\tab }{\fs24 Codex evolved into the body that sets international food safety standards after the passage of the SPS Agreement. Before approving standards, including safety standards, Codex delegates them to one of twenty-two committees for study and review.}{ \cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{ \i See id}{. at 32.}}}{\fs24 Fourteen of these committees deal with particular types of food and the remaining eight committees deal with broader issues.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{\fs24 As the committees perform their work, member countries and NGOs are allowed to provide comments.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{\fs24 When the committees finish their work, they make recommendations to the Codex members who decide whether to enact new standards by majority vote.}{ \cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ Sikes, }{\i supra}{ note 72 at 328.}}}{\fs24 \par \tab \tab The United States is a member of Codex, and it has a governmental agency, called U.S. Codex, which is responsible for managing U.S. involvement in Codex activities.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar \tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ Eldred & Coffield, }{\i supra}{ note 76 at 32.}}}{\fs24 The membership of U.S. Codex consists of officials from USDA, FDA, and EPA.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{\fs24 In 1995, U.S. Codex formulated the }{\i\fs24 U.S. Codex Strategic Plan}{\fs24 which outlines the goals of the United States in its operations with Codex.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ Office of the U.S. Coordinator for Codex Alimentarius & Food Safety and Inspection Serv., U.S. Codex \par \tab Strategic Plan (1995).}}}{\fs24 The }{\i\fs24 Plan}{\fs24 states five goals: (1) the U.S. should support the use of scientific evidence in developing international food safety standards, (2) the U.S. should encourage Cod ex to improve its credibility with world governments, (3) the U.S. should strive to adopt Codex standards as domestic standards, (4) the U.S. should encourage NGOs to participate in Codex decisions, and (5) the U.S. should allocate more resources to U.S. Codex.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{\fs24 The }{\i\fs24 Plan}{\fs24 reflects the intention of the U.S. to work towards expansion of international trade and international cooperation in the twenty-first century. \par {\pntext\pard\plain\s1 \b\f1 \hich\af1\dbch\af0\loch\f1 E.\tab}}\pard\plain \s1\qj \fi-360\li360\ri0\sl480\slmult1\keepn\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls3\pnrnot0\pnucltr\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang{\pntxta .}} \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\ls3\outlinelevel0\adjustright\rin0\lin360\itap0 \b\f1\fs24\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {Dispute One: Hormones Case \par }\pard\plain \qj \fi720\li0\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\fs24 To further understand the U.S. role in international trade in food in the last few decades, it is important to understand the U.S. role in several disputes under the SPS Agreement that were resolved through the Dispute Settlement Understanding. The first of these was the Hormones Case. Cultural research indicates that Am ericans and Europeans have different attitudes toward the types of food that should be regulated by food safety standards.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec } \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ Marsha A. Echols, }{\i Food Safety Regulation in the European Union and the United States: Different \par \tab Cultures, Different Laws}{, 4 }{\scaps Colum. J. Eur. L.}{ 525, 528-9 (1998).}}}{\fs24 While Americans are distrustful of unprocessed food products like raw meat and cheese, they are accepting of technological advances in food preparation like irradiation.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{\fs24 Europeans have the opposite preferences; they are accepting of traditional unprocessed food but distrustful of technological alterations to food.}{ \cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{ \i Id}{.}}}{\fs24 Thus, it is not surprising that the European Community banned the sale of meat and meat products containing any residue of bovine growth hormones (BGH) in the late 1980s.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i See}{ First Sub mission of the United States to the Panel on EC - Measures Concerning Meat and \par \tab Products (Hormones), 1996 WL 807619 (Aug. 28, 1996) [hereinafter First Submission of the United \par \tab States].}}}{\fs24 \par Immediately, U.S. exports of beef and veal to Europe dropped to almost zero.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ Lisa K. Seilheimer, Note, }{\i The SPS Agreement Applied: The WTO Hormone Beef Case}{, 4 }{\scaps Envtl. Law}{ \par \tab 537, 543 (1998). }}}{\fs24 In response, the U.S. government enacted tariffs of almost 100% on certain European agricultural products.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0 \pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{\fs24 However, the U.S. had no other weapon with which to fight the BGH ban until the adoption of the SPS agreement. Then, the U.S. filed a complaint against the EC, claiming that the EC had violated Article 5.1 of the SPS Ag reement because it had never performed a risk assessment on BGH.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ First Submission of the United States, }{\i supra}{ note 88.}}}{\fs24 The EC responded that it had done risk assessments on BGH, and those studies revealed a vast amount of uncertainty on the long-term effects of the hormones on human health.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar \tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ First Written Submission of the European Community to the Panel on EC - Measures Concerning Meat \par \tab and Meat Products (Hormones), 1996 WL 807621 (Sept. 20, 1996) [hereinafter First Written \par \tab Submission of the European Commission].}}}{\fs24 \par The panel that initially heard the dispute ruled that the EC was not in compliance with Article 5.1.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec } \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ WTO Report of the Panel, EC - Measures Concerning Meat and Meat Products (Hormones), WTO Doc. \par \tab WT/DS26/R/USA (Aug. 18, 1997) (reprinted at http://www.wto.org/wto/dispute/distab.htm) [hereinafter \par \tab Hormones Panel Report].}}}{\fs24 Pure uncertainty is not a strong enough ground to ban any product.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec } \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i See id}{.}}}{\fs24 Instead, the EC should have identified actual risks associated with the use of BGH and linked those risks to possible adverse health effects on humans.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i See id}{.}}}{\fs24 The EC appealed this result to the Appellate Body who affirmed the essence of the panel decision.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec } \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ WTO Report of the Appellate Body, EC - Measures Concerning Meat and Meat Products (Hormones), \par \tab WTO Doc. WT/DS26/AB/R (Jan. 16, 1998) (reprinted at http://www.wto.org/wto/dispute/distab.htm) \par \tab [hereinafter Hormones Appellate Body Report].}}}{\fs24 While this verdict was an ostensible victory for the U.S., it could have negative long-term consequ ences if the stringent risk assessment standards are used against a U.S. food safety regulation in future disputes. This possibility will be further discussed in Part IV. \par {\pntext\pard\plain\s1 \b\f1 \hich\af1\dbch\af0\loch\f1 F.\tab}}\pard\plain \s1\qj \fi-360\li360\ri0\sl480\slmult1\keepn\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls3\pnrnot0\pnucltr\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang{\pntxta .}} \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\ls3\outlinelevel0\adjustright\rin0\lin360\itap0 \b\f1\fs24\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {Dispute Two: Japan Fruit Case \par }\pard\plain \s22\qj \fi720\li0\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs24\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 { Fresh from its victory in the BGH case, the U.S. challenged a Japanese regulation on testing of fruit in 1998. The Japanese feared the importation of the coddling moth, a pest foreign to Japan, into the country on eight U.S. products.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ WTO Report of the Panel, Japan - Measures Affecting Agricultural Products, WTO Doc. WT/DS76/R \par \tab (Oct. 27, 1998) (reprinted at http://www.wto.org/wto/dispute/distab.htm) [hereinafter Japan Panel \par \tab Report].}}}{ In response, Japan ordered that shipments of the products, including shipments of different varieties of the same type of fruit, be tested for presence of the moth before gaining admission into the country.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{ The U.S. challenged this requirement, claiming that testing of different varieties of the same fruit was unnecessary and not based on scientific evidence.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{ If the moth had been killed by procedures used on one variety of the fruit, it would be killed in the same procedures used on other varieties of the fruit, according to the U.S.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar \tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{ \par }\pard\plain \qj \fi720\li0\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\fs24 Japan responded that it had conducted scientific testing on the procedures used to kill coddling moths and that the lethal dosage of pesticide differed from variety to variety of fruit.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{\fs24 The WTO dispute settlement panel decided that Japan had not based its requirement on sufficient scientific evidence because it had not proven a link between the differences in the test results and the differences in the varieties of fruit.}{ \cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{ \i Id}{.}}}{\fs24 The Appellate Body upheld this decision.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{\fs24 The importance of this decision is that it further narrowed the WTO\rquote s interpretation of the term \'93risk assessment.\'94 Again, this narrow interpretation could be used against a U.S. food safety regulation at some point in the future. \par {\pntext\pard\plain\s1 \b\f1 \hich\af1\dbch\af0\loch\f1 G.\tab}}\pard\plain \s1\qj \fi-360\li360\ri0\sl480\slmult1\keepn\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls3\pnrnot0\pnucltr\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang{\pntxta .}} \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\ls3\outlinelevel0\adjustright\rin0\lin360\itap0 \b\f1\fs24\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {NAFTA \par }\pard\plain \s26\qj \fi720\li0\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs24\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 { In addition to its involvement in agricultural trade agreements through the WTO, the United States is a party to several regional trade agreements. It is not necessary to examine each of these agreements in detail; a thorough examination of one particular regional agreement will illuminate the types of commitments the U.S. has made to individua l countries. NAFTA provides an excellent case study. \par NAFTA contains its own version of the WTO\rquote s SPS Agreement in Chapter Seven.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \s20\ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360\tx720{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec } \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ Shirley A. Coffield, }{\i The Management and Resolution of Cross Border Disputes as Canada/U.S. Enter \par \tab the 21}{\i\super st}{\i Century: Biotechnology, Food, and Agriculture Disputes on Food Safety and International \par \tab Trade}{, 26 }{\scaps Can.-U.S. L.J.}{ 233, 241 (2000).}}}{ In fact, the language of the NAFTA SPS provisions was drawn from drafts of the WTO SPS Agreement, but NAFTA\rquote s version was passed before the WTO version.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \s20\ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360\tx720{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{ NAFTA allows the three signatories and their state and local governments to adopt SPS measures to protect human, animal and plant life or health.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \s20\ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360\tx720{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{ These provisions can be based on international standards, like those promulgated by Codex.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \s20\ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360\tx720{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec } \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{. at 242.}}}{ They can also be more stringent than international standards if they are based on scientific evidence and a risk assessment.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \s20\ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360\tx720{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec } \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{ As a corollary, SPS measures cannot be maintained if there is no scientific justification for them.}{ \cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \s20\ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360\tx720{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn } { }{\i Id}{.}}}{ SPS measures that are based on science cannot be used as a disguised trade restriction.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \s20\ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360\tx720{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec } \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{ Finally, NAFTA states that its SPS provisions are not to be used to achieve downward harmonization of food safety standards.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \s20\ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360\tx720{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec } \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{ \par {\pntext\pard\plain\s5 \b\f1 \hich\af1\dbch\af0\loch\f1 H.\tab}}\pard\plain \s5\qj \fi-360\li360\ri0\keepn\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls3\pnrnot0\pnucltr\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang{\pntxta .}} \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\ls3\outlinelevel4\adjustright\rin0\lin360\itap0 \f1\fs24\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\b Looking Ahead: The U.S. Free Trade Agenda in the Twenty-First Century \par }\pard\plain \qj \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\fs24 \par }\pard \qj \fi720\li0\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\fs24 In examining the above materials on U.S. participation in international negotiations and agreements on trade in food products, it is possible to ascertain some general trends. First, the U.S. has ordinarily supported efforts to expa nd trade between nations. However, there is a tendency on the part of the U.S. to back off its pro-free-trade agenda to please special interests. For example, the U.S. was one of the original advocates of the International Trade Organization, but Congre s s later refused to ratify the body, leading to its eventual demise. As another example, the U.S. was the first nation to obtain a waiver from its GATT obligations to assist domestic agricultural interests. Other nations understandably followed suit, whe t her formally or informally, and GATT policies on agricultural trade completely disintegrated. Second, the U.S. has also supported high food safety standards, both domestically and internationally. On the domestic side, the USDA and FDA are the leading f ood regulatory bodies in the world. On the international side, the U.S. participates actively in Codex and other international regulatory bodies that govern food. However, the U.S. has also been suspicious of other countries\rquote stringent food safety regulat ions, often attacking them as disguised trade restrictions. For example, the U.S. was a leading advocate of the SPS Agreement, and it ensured that an agreement on SPS measures was included in NAFTA. Additionally, the U.S. was the first nation to attack another country\rquote s SPS measures through the WTO dispute settlement process in the Hormones case. \par Recent statements by U.S. politicians indicate that the U.S. plans to continue to support free trade in food in the coming years. At the Agricultural Trade Sy mposium in 2000, Ambassador Peter Scher, the Head Agricultural Negotiator in the Office of the United States Trade Representative (USTR), listed the U.S.\rquote s goals for agricultural trade negotiations in the twenty-first century.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i See}{ Peter Scher, }{\i Agricultural Trade Symposium: The WTO and America\rquote s Agricultural Trade Agenda}{, \par \tab 9 }{\scaps Minn. J. Global Trade}{ 1, 2 (2000).}}}{\fs24 The seven goals were: (1) e liminating all remaining export subsidies, (2) reducing trade-distorting support to domestic agricultural interests, (3) decreasing tariff rates, (4) improving administration of quotas, (5) strengthening discipline of state trading enterprises, (6) assist ing developing countries in obtaining greater market access, and (7) assuring transparency in regulation of biotechnology.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{\fs24 The new Bush administration has demonstrated no signs of diverging from these pro-free-trade goals. In fact, Bush Agriculture Secre tary Ann Veneman has made strong statements regarding SPS measures as disguised trade restrictions. At a conference in January 2002, she strongly encouraged EU officials to reconsider their ban on imports containing genetically modified organisms, statin g that the ban was not based on adequate scientific evidence.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 { \cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Free Trade and Food Safety Policy Clash}{, }{\scaps Farmers Guardian}{, Jan. 11, 2002, at 16.}}}{\fs24 This indicates that the U.S. may be willing to challenge yet another European food safety regulation as a disguised trade restriction under the auspices of the WTO dispute settlement process. \par These statements by Scher and Veneman, officials in the last two presidential administrations, indicate a strong U.S. preference for liberalization of trade in food. But should this be the U.S. policy, especially considering the threat of a bioterrorist attack on the food supply? The remainder of this paper will consider whether the U.S. should change its long-standing advocacy of free trade in food. Arguments and counterarguments on economics, food safety, and food security will be considered. \par {\pntext\pard\plain\s4 \b\f1 \hich\af1\dbch\af0\loch\f1 III.\tab}}\pard\plain \s4\qc \fi-720\li720\ri0\sl480\slmult1\keepn\widctlpar\tx360\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn \pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls6\pnrnot0\pnucrm\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang{\pntxta .}} \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\ls6\outlinelevel3\adjustright\rin0\lin720\itap0 \b\f1\fs24\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {Arguments and Counterarguments on Economics \par {\pntext\pard\plain\s1 \b\f1 \hich\af1\dbch\af0\loch\f1 A.\tab}}\pard\plain \s1\qj \fi-360\li360\ri0\sl480\slmult1\keepn\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls4\pnrnot0\pnucltr\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang{\pntxta .}} \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\ls4\outlinelevel0\adjustright\rin0\lin360\itap0 \b\f1\fs24\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {Argument One: Comparative Advantage and Gains from Trade}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i See generally}{ }{\scaps N. Gregory Mankiw}{ , }{\scaps Principles of Economics}{, (2d ed. 1998). }}}{ \par }\pard\plain \qj \fi720\li0\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\fs24 Since the work of David Ricardo more than 150 years ago, economists have long believed that free trade can improve the welfare of every country. To explain Ricardo\rquote s theory of comparative advantage, one must begin with a hypothetical scenario involving two countries that can each produce two goods. Each country has a finite number of resources, and it can use these resources to produce only Good A, only Good B, or some combination or Goods A and B. If Country 1 decides to produce any amount of Good A, it faces an opportunity cost in giving up some amount of Good B; if Country 1 decides to produce any amount of Good B, it faces an opportunity cost in giving u p some amount of Good A. Ricardo believed that Countries 1 and 2 should work together to produce Goods A and B instead of producing them separately. Each country should produce and export the good for which it has the lowest marginal opportunity cost. I n other words, if Country 1 gives up less of Good B to produce Good A than Country 2, then Country 1 should concentrate all its resources on producing Good A and export some of the final product to Country 2. Ricardo stated that the country with the lowes t marginal opportunity cost in producing a good has a comparative advantage in producing that good. With a two-country/two-goods assumption, a country with a comparative advantage in one good must mathematically have a comparative disadvantage in the othe r good. A country should refrain from producing a good in which it has a comparative disadvantage and import that good from its trading partner. \par Each country will benefit from this import/export scenario if it can negotiate favorable terms of trade. For example, assume that Country 1 had the comparative advantage in producing Good A. Now it produces only Good A, exports some of Good A to Country 2, and imports some of Good B from Country 2. Before this arrangement, Country 1 had to give up a large amo u nt of Good A to produce any Good B. If it can now negotiate an arrangement with Country 2 where it trades a smaller amount of Good A for Good B, then it will be better off. The same idea applies to Country 2. The advantage of trade between countries is that both countries experience gains from trade. Both countries are able to utilize their finite quantity of resources to consume a more valuable combination of both goods. \par Why do gains from trade occur? Basic economic theory proposes two reasons. First , countries have different endowments of resources. For example, South Africa has a large amount of diamond mines and North African countries are geographically ideal for growing cacao. Second, countries have made different levels of technological progr e ss. Some countries have the machines, education, and skills to produce airplanes, and others are better suited to produce footwear. By allowing each country to exploit its advantages, whether in natural resources or technology, free trade allows both co untries to be wealthier in the long run. \par }\pard \qj \fi360\li0\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\fs24 \tab Finally, economists have long believed that Ricardo\rquote s theory of comparative advantage can be extrapolated beyond the two-country/two-goods assumption. A country like the United States can import and export many dif ferent products to and from many different countries, and the idea of gains from trade will still apply to all countries involved. 93% of economists believe that free trade makes all participating nations richer.}{\cs21\fs24\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{. at 33.}}}{\fs24 As a result of these basic economic arguments, promotion of free trade has become a bipartisan political goal in the United States over the past few decades. \par {\pntext\pard\plain\s1 \b\f1 \hich\af1\dbch\af0\loch\f1 B.\tab}}\pard\plain \s1\qj \fi-360\li360\ri0\sl480\slmult1\keepn\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls4\pnrnot0\pnucltr\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang{\pntxta .}} \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\ls4\outlinelevel0\adjustright\rin0\lin360\itap0 \b\f1\fs24\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {Argument Two: Trade Restrictions Distort Welfare}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar \tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i See generally}{ Mankiw, }{\i supra}{ note 107.}}}{ \par }\pard\plain \qj \fi720\li0\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\fs24 Not only does free trade in goods, including food, make countries better off, but trade restrictions make countries worse off. Basic economics utilizes a welfare model to analyze tariffs and quotas. Let\rquote s begin by using the welfare model to analyze a country that enacts a tariff on imported goods. The foreign supplier will pass the cost of the tariff along to domestic consumers. This will raise the price of imported goods. Domestic producers of the same good will observe this and raise the price of domestic goods to exploit their potential gains in revenue. From the viewpoint of consume rs, the entire good, domestic and foreign, has a higher price. According to the law of demand, when a good has a higher price, consumers will demand less quantity of that good. \par }\pard\plain \s27\qj \li0\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs24\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\tab \tab The fact that less of the good is now being sold at a higher price has welf are consequences for the society. First, domestic producers are better off as long as demand for the good is somewhat inelastic; they more than compensate for the lower quantity demanded with the higher price, and they earn higher revenues. Second, the government is also better off because they earn increased revenue from the tariff. However, consumers suffer because they must pay a higher price for less quantity of the good. If this were a zero-sum game and consumers\rquote loss was transferred directly to p roducers and the government, then economists might not object so strenuously. However, there is also a loss to society called the deadweight loss. This overall loss of welfare occurs because some consumers who could afford the lower pre-tariff price of t he good are now forced out of the market. Economists measure the total welfare of society by adding together the gains to producers, government and consumers. When you compare this total welfare in a pre-tariff state to a post-tariff state, the post-tar iff state has less welfare because of the deadweight loss. In the eyes of economists, tariffs are unsound policies because they cause this welfare loss. \par }\pard\plain \s16\qj \li0\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs24\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\tab \tab It is also important to examine the effects of a domestic tariff on the foreign trading partner. In the foreign society, the only actors affected by a domestic tariff are foreign producers of the good. Just like domestic producers, foreign producers will sell less quantity of the good post-tariff. Unlike domestic producers, foreign producers will be u n able to capture higher revenues. Although they will sell the good for a higher price, the price differential will be used to pay the tariff fees to the domestic government. So foreign producers will sell less of the good at the same price; therefore, th ey will earn lower revenue. \par \tab \tab Faced with this situation, foreign producers have no recourse other than to lobby their own governments to enact similar tariffs on the trading partner. This may start a trade war where each country continually ratchets up its tariffs to punish the other for enacting tariffs in the first place. While domestic producers and governments will gain from this scenario, consumers and society as a whole will lose. The size of the loss increases proportionally with the size of the t ariff. \par \tab \tab Finally, a welfare analysis of quotas is conducted a bit differently from the welfare analysis of tariffs, but the conclusions are the same. While some segments of society (i.e. domestic producers and government) may gain from the policy, the society as a whole loses welfare. Thus, most economists oppose both forms of trade protection, tariffs and quotas. \par {\pntext\pard\plain\s16 \b\f1 \hich\af1\dbch\af0\loch\f1 C.\tab}}\pard \s16\qj \fi-360\li360\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls4\pnrnot0\pnucltr\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang{\pntxta .}} \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\ls4\adjustright\rin0\lin360\itap0 {\b Counterargument One: Normative Objections to Welfare Analysis \par }\pard \s16\qj \fi720\li0\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {While most economists agree that free trade between nations is the ideal poli cy, there are some normative and positive objections. On the normative side, some dispute welfare analysis as the proper tool to analyze trade issues. Dissenters argue that instead of focusing on maximizing the size of the pie, government should focus o n distributing the pie the most equitable way possible. In a system focused on equality, policies that harm advantaged segments of the population are sound as long as they help disadvantaged segments. In the case of trade restrictions, tariffs, quotas, a nd other protections that help small farmers and other domestic producers may be sensible despite the fact that they harm consumers and society as a whole. \par A pro-free-trade response inquires whether those helped by trade restrictions are really disadvantage d. A recent survey found that the majority of tariff and non-tariff protections in the United States and Europe assist large agribusiness corporations, instead of small farmers.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar \tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Global Trade Rules \lquote Damaging Small Farmers\rquote }{, }{ \scaps Farmers Guardian}{, Nov. 2, 2001, at 26.}}}{ In the United States at least, these protections were probably enacted in t he first place as political concessions to Congressmen from agricultural states. The theory of special interest capture argues that politicians become beholden to large special interest groups who donate heavily to their campaigns. Since politicians \rquote mai n interest is getting reelected, they will perform special legislative favors for major donors and constituents. Thus, Congressmen who receive donations from agribusiness corporations are likely to lobby for policies, including trade restrictions, which a re favorable to these donors. Of course, these policies harm consumers, but consumers are too diffuse a group to organize a counter-lobbying effort against the protective policies. As a result of special interest capture and the fact that producers help ed by trade protections are not disadvantaged in the first place, equitable arguments in favor of trade restrictions are unconvincing. \par {\pntext\pard\plain\s16 \b\f1 \hich\af1\dbch\af0\loch\f1 D.\tab}}\pard \s16\qj \fi-360\li360\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls4\pnrnot0\pnucltr\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang{\pntxta .}} \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\ls4\adjustright\rin0\lin360\itap0 {\b Counterargument Two: Flawed Assumptions of Welfare Analysis}{\cs21\b\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec } \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i See generally}{ Alan V. Deardorff & Robert M. Stern, }{\i Current Issues in U.S. Trade Policies: An \par \tab Overview}{, }{\i in}{ }{\scaps U.S. Trade Policies in a Changing World Economy}{ 15, 38-40 (Robert M. Stern ed., \par \tab 1987). }}}{\b \par }\pard \s16\qj \fi720\li0\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {In addition to normative arguments against welfare analys is of trade policies, there are positive arguments as well. The traditional economic theory explained above analyzes trade policies in the context of perfect competition. Perfect competition exists in an industry if there are many buyers and seller, the buyers and sellers are well informed, and there are well-defined property rights. In the real world, however, perfectly competitive industries rarely occur. Consequently, the benefits of free trade that occur in a theoretical world with perfect competit ion may not occur to as great a degree in the real world. \par In fact, some economists argue that governments could impose trade restrictions to correct other flaws, especially externalities, in industries that are not perfectly competitive. One classic exampl e of this type of thinking is the infant-industry argument. The idea is that businesses that produce innovative products face positive production externalities. In other words, the companies face great private costs in producing the innovative good; the y must purchase new raw materials and machines, train employees in new tasks, and develop a new production process. However, production of the good costs society much less because there are great benefits associated with the good; for example, use of the n ew good may make other industries more efficient. Since the private cost of producing the good is greater than the social cost, the good is underproduced. If the private cost is high enough, the good may not be produced at all. In response, government steps in to protect the infant industry from foreign competitors. It enacts a tariff or quota on foreign competitors of the innovative good in order to give the innovative good time to grow and flourish. \par }\pard \s16\qj \li0\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\tab \tab Free trade advocates\rquote responses to the infant-indu stry argument and its brethren are threefold. First, the success of trade protections as a means to alleviate externalities, whether positive or negative, depends upon correct diagnosis of the size and type of externality in the first place. If the data on the degree of externality is provided by the industry itself, it is unlikely to be reliable. Second, once trade protections are implemented, they are often difficult to remove for political reasons. It is much easier to insert an appropriation into t h e federal budget than to remove it later. Even when industries no longer need trade protections, they may continue to reap the benefits of extra producer surplus. Finally, the distortionary effects of externalities and trade protections do not cancel ea c h other out. Although the trade protections may alleviate or even cure the problem of externalities, trade protections still cause the same reductions in consumer and social surplus discussed above. Some economists believe that there may be government p olicies that are better suited to attack externalities than trade protections. For example, direct subsidies to the affected industries or the industries\rquote lenders would still alleviate externalities without causing the same loss of surplus as trade protect ions. Free trade advocates therefore concede that free trade does not always occur in a world of perfect competition. Still, there are benefits from free trade even in a state of imperfect competition, and trade restrictions are certainly no way to move closer to a regime of perfect competition. \par {\pntext\pard\plain\s16 \b\f1 \hich\af1\dbch\af0\loch\f1 E.\tab}}\pard \s16\qj \fi-360\li360\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls4\pnrnot0\pnucltr\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang{\pntxta .}} \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\ls4\adjustright\rin0\lin360\itap0 {\b Counterargument Three: Strategic Trade Policy}{\cs21\b\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec } \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i See generally}{ Paul R. Krugman, }{\i Is Free Trade Passe?}{, }{\scaps Journal of Economic Perspectives}{, Fall \par \tab 1987, at 131-44.}}}{\b \par }\pard \s16\qj \fi720\li0\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 { Finally, a third economic argument against free trade in goods, including food, posits that government trade policies should be based on economies of scale, rather t han comparative advantage. Economies of scale occur when a company can double its inputs and produce more than double its output. In other words, goods become cheaper to produce if they are produced in greater quantities. This phenomenon could occur fo r several reasons; perhaps raw materials are cheaper if they are bought in bulk or specialization of labor is more feasible if the workforce is making large quantities of the good. There are some industries, particularly infant industries, in which econom i es of scale can only be captured by one company with no competitors. If more than one company enters the industry, all companies will face diseconomies of scale. In other words, larger quantities of the good are more costly to produce than smaller quant ities. \par Advocates of strategic trade policy argue that governments should enact whatever trade policies necessary to ensure that a domestic company gets a headstart over its foreign competitors in an industry with economies of scale for only one producer. If one company is sufficiently ahead of potential competitors, then those competitors will not enter the industry since they will incur diseconomies of scale by doing so. Thus, the domestic industry can capture all economies of scale, and therefore all profits, for itself. The national income of the country that enacted restrictive trade policies will therefore increase. \par According to an article by MIT economist Paul Krugman, the positive aspects of this strategic trade theory have been widely accepted by economists.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0 \pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{ However, the normative conclusion that governments should therefore enact more trade restrictions has been resisted for several reasons.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec } \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{ First, economic policies are made in a world of uncertainty, and it is hard to determine whether par ticular industries have economies of scale or not. As such, the economies of scale argument may be a cover used by politicians who want to curry favor with agribusiness interests by protecting their industries. Second, competition between governments to be the first to support a company with economies of scale may lead to a trade war. As discussed above, this will leave all countries participating in the trade war worse off. Finally, trade restrictions that help some domestic industries may harm other d omestic industries or consumers. If only one company exists in an industry, then it has monopoly power and can charge any price it wants. Therefore, consumers, regardless of whether they are individuals or other companies who use the protected good as a n input, will pay more for the protected good. As a result of these three arguments, most economists believe that strategic trade theory should not be a guiding force for governments in setting trade policy. \par {\pntext\pard\plain\s16 \b\f1 \hich\af1\dbch\af0\loch\f1 F.\tab}}\pard \s16\qj \fi-360\li360\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls4\pnrnot0\pnucltr\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang{\pntxta .}} \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\ls4\adjustright\rin0\lin360\itap0 {\b Evaluation of Economic Arguments and Counterarguments \par }\pard \s16\qj \fi720\li0\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 { The analysis of economic arguments for and against free trade in food indicates that the U.S. should continue to pursue a pro-free-trade agenda in international negotiations. However, noneconomic arguments must be considered before drawing a final c onclusion. Food safety arguments will be considered first, followed by food security arguments. \par {\pntext\pard\plain\s4 \b\f1 \hich\af1\dbch\af0\loch\f1 IV.\tab}}\pard\plain \s4\qc \fi-720\li720\ri0\sl480\slmult1\keepn\widctlpar\tx360\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn \pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls1\pnrnot0\pnucrm\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang{\pntxta .}} \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\ls1\outlinelevel3\adjustright\rin0\lin720\itap0 \b\f1\fs24\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {Arguments and Counterarguments on Food Safety \par {\pntext\pard\plain\s6 \b\f1 \hich\af1\dbch\af0\loch\f1 A.\tab}}\pard\plain \s6\qj \fi-360\li360\ri0\sl480\slmult1\keepn\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls5\pnrnot0\pnucltr\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang{\pntxta .}} \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\ls5\outlinelevel5\adjustright\rin0\lin360\itap0 \b\f1\fs24\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {Argument One: Empirical Evidence on Higher Food Standards \par }\pard\plain \s22\qj \fi720\li0\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs24\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 { Despite claims of WTO critics, empirical evidence indicates that food safety standards have been raised, rather than lowered, during the existence of the WTO.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ Julie A. Caswell, et al., }{\i The Downside of Trading Up}{, }{\scaps Choices: The Magazine of Food, Farm and Resource Issues}{, June 22, 2000, at 8.}}}{ Developed countries passed a great amount of food safety legislation in the fifteen years before the SPS Agreement, and they kept apace in the seven y ears after its passage.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 { \cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i See}{ }{\i Trade Liberalisation Raising Food Standards}{, }{\scaps Agra Europe}{, Sept. 15, 2000, at A/1.}}}{ This is largely due to advanced scientific research techniques that have led to new information about the linkage between food and public health.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0 \pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i See id}{.}}}{ Also, the media publicizes health information to a greater degree than ever. News stories about e. coli contamination in the United States, mad cow disease in Europe, and other food-related scares have raised consumer concerns.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0 \pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{ As a result, consumers and consumer advocacy groups have lobbied regulatory agencies for higher food safety standards. The empirical evidence indicates that the agencies, at least in the U.S. and Europe, have complied. \par {\pntext\pard\plain\s22 \b\f1 \hich\af1\dbch\af0\loch\f1 B.\tab}}\pard \s22\qj \fi-360\li360\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls5\pnrnot0\pnucltr\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang{\pntxta .}} \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\ls5\adjustright\rin0\lin360\itap0 {\b Argument Two: Developing Countries \par }\pard \s22\qj \fi720\li0\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 { While critics argue that the WTO does not encourage developing countries to raise food safety standards, WTO advocates respond with theoretical and empirical claims. Developing countries will raise their standards for three reasons.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ Caswell, }{\i supra}{ note 115.}}}{ First, they must at least comply with international food safety standards to ensure that their agricultural exports gain access to valuable foreign markets.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{ Second, domestic agricultural producers that already meet high standards will lobby developing countries\rquote governments for higher standards in order to gain a competitive advantage.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar \tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{ Finally, consumers, consumer advocacy gro ups, and NGOs within the developing countries will push for higher standards.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{ An article by Caswell, Donovan, and Salay cites Brazil as one example of a developing country that is trying to improve its food safety standards in order to export agricultural products to more developed neighbors.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{ In the 1990s, the U.S. and EU both enacted new food safety regulations called the Hazard Analysis and Critical Control Points (HAACP).}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec } \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{ Both countries first applied HAACP rules to the fish products industry.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id.}}}{ HAA CP compliance in the fish products industry is costly for several reasons: fish exist in a wide range of places, they are extremely perishable, and current sanitation and hygiene standards in some countries are very low.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{ Since Brazil exports over $134 million in fish products to the United States each year, its government had to take steps to comply with HAACP rules.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{ In 1993, the Brazilian government mandated compliance with HAACP regulations for all fish products companies that export.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec } \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{ A side benefit of this legislation is that some companies that only sell fish products domestically have voluntarily begun to comply with HAACP rules.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec } \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{ Therefore, Brazil is one example of a developing country that has increased its food safety standards due to membership in the WTO. \par {\pntext\pard\plain\s22 \b\f1 \hich\af1\dbch\af0\loch\f1 C.\tab}}\pard \s22\qj \fi-360\li360\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls5\pnrnot0\pnucltr\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang{\pntxta .}} \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\ls5\adjustright\rin0\lin360\itap0 {\b Argument Three: SPS Decisions Enhance Food Safety \par }\pard\plain \s16\qj \fi720\li0\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs24\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 { Some scholars interpret the dicta in the Appellate Body opinion in the Hormones case as a boost to food safety regulations.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec } \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i See generally}{ Schaefer, }{\i supra}{ note 12.}}}{ One fear of WTO critics is that the sovereignty of individual nations will be reduced because those nations will have to follow international standards for food safety. Yet, the Appellate Body in the Hormones case affirmed that Members can maintain more stringent food safety regulations than those promulgated by C odex if there is a scientific justification for higher standards.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{. at 380.}}}{ Additionally, the Appellate Body decided that the burden of proof in a dispute under the SPS Agreement rests with the challenger.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{. at 380-1.}}}{ In addition to proving that the domestic SPS measure is mo re stringent than international standards, the challenger must also demonstrate that the domestic measure is not based on scientific evidence or a risk assessment. Turning to the issue of risk assessments, the Appellate Body stated that Members may choos e any minimum amount of risk that they will tolerate. The WTO will mandate no minimum amount of risk that all nations must accept. The only requirement in this area is that some statistical analysis of risk must be conducted; theoretical uncertainty is n ot enough.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{. at 381.}}}{ Next, the Appellate Body declared that it is willing to consider \'93real world risks\'94 in addition to scientific data. In other words, scientific estimates of risk can be adjusted for factors that are traditionally nonscientific.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0 \pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{ Finally, contr ary to the views of some WTO critics, the Appellate Body indicated that it is willing to accept minority scientific opinions. The only caveat is that the minority opinion must be the consensus of several respected researchers; the opinion of a lone reneg ade will not suffice.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 { \cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{ These statements of the Appellate Body in the Hormones case indicate that the WTO wants to promote domestic food safety standards as long as they are based on a scientific risk assessment.}{\b \par {\pntext\pard\plain\s16 \b\f1 \hich\af1\dbch\af0\loch\f1 D.\tab}}\pard \s16\qj \fi-360\li360\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls5\pnrnot0\pnucltr\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang{\pntxta .}} \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\ls5\adjustright\rin0\lin360\itap0 {\b Counterargument One: Downward Harmonization of Food Standards \par }\pard \s16\qj \li0\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\tab \tab Yet, WTO critics have many responses to these arguments. First, critics complain that the SPS Agreement pushes for downward harmonization of world food standards, whether it intends to or not.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i See }{Bruce A. Silverglade, }{\i The WTO Agreement on Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures: Weakening \par \tab Food Safety Regulations to Facilitate Trade?}{, 55 }{\scaps Food Drug L.J.}{ 517 (2000).}}}{ SPS was drafted and adopted as an agreement to promote free trade, not an agreement to promote the public health.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{. at 520.}}}{ Thus, on close questions, it is structured to fall on the side of the former objective. Additionally, Member countries of the WTO can challenge another Member countries\rquote food stan dards as being too stringent. If the challenger wins, the other country cannot maintain its own system of food regulation unless it pays a penalty. So, the SPS Agreement can be used to obliterate high food safety standards, but it has no procedure for c hallenging countries with low standards.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{ Consequently, it could create downward harmonization of food standards if used over the long-term. \par {\pntext\pard\plain\s16 \b\f1 \hich\af1\dbch\af0\loch\f1 E.\tab}}\pard \s16\qj \fi-360\li360\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls5\pnrnot0\pnucltr\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang{\pntxta .}} \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\ls5\adjustright\rin0\lin360\itap0 {\b Counterargument Two: Minority Scientific Opinions \par }\pard \s16\qj \fi720\li0\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {Another complaint about the SPS agreement and the disputes re solved under it is that they give little credence to \'93minority science.\'94}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i See}{ J. Martin Wagner, }{\i The WTO\rquote s Interpretation of the SPS Agreement Has Undermined the Right of \par \tab Governments To Establish Appropriate Levels of Protection Against Risk}{, }{\scaps Law and Policy in \par \tab International Business}{, Mar. 22, 2000, at 855.}}}{ This term refers to evidence or theories that are accepted by only a minority of the scientific community. In the Hormones case, the EC presented evidence from a small group of sci entists that BGH residue in meat leads to negative health effects in humans.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ Hormones Appellate Body Report, }{\i supra}{ note 96.}}}{ The panel and Appellate Body brushed this evidence aside in the face of huge amounts of scientific documentation from the U.S. suggesting that there is no public health risk from BGH residue. The Appellate Body stated that \'93basing SPS measures on \lquote divergent opinion coming from qualified and respected sources\rquote is more legitimate \lquote where the risk involved is life-threatening in character and is perceived to constitute a clear and imminent threat to public health and safety. \rquote \'94}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ Wagner, }{\i supra}{ note 139 (quoting WTO Appellate Body Report, }{\i supra}{ note 96).}}}{ This standard only gives credence to minority opinions in the cases of life-threatening risks and imminent threats. However, minority science in less severe cases may be just as important. Commentators obse rve that many important scientific discoveries, including the fact that the Earth is round, were minority opinions at first.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec } \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ Wagner, }{\i supra}{ note 139.}}}{ WTO observers who object to the current treatment of Members\rquote food safety regulations would prefer that more credence be given to \'93minority science.\'94 \par {\pntext\pard\plain\s16 \b\f1 \hich\af1\dbch\af0\loch\f1 F.\tab}}\pard \s16\qj \fi-360\li360\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls5\pnrnot0\pnucltr\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang{\pntxta .}} \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\ls5\adjustright\rin0\lin360\itap0 {\b Counterargument Three: Narrow Precautionary Principle \par }\pard \s16\qj \li0\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\tab \tab A third objection to the SPS Agreement by those concerned with food safety is that use of the precautionary principle is too restricted. Article 5.7 of the SPS Agreement allows Members to enact \'93provisional\'94 SPS measures in the face of uncertain scientific evidence as long as they undertake scientific research to substantiate their views.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec } \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ SPS Agreement, }{\i supra}{ note 71.}}}{ This is the precautionary principle. Critics complain that the principle is too narrow because it does not account for situations where further scientific evidence cannot be gathered.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar \tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ Wagner, }{\i supra}{ note 139.}}}{ For example, it may be impossible to perform scientific testing on human beings to determine the exact effects of some biological agent.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec } \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{ In these situations, Members will be unable to maintain their \'93provisional\'94 measures in face of objections by trading partners. \par {\pntext\pard\plain\s16 \b\f1 \hich\af1\dbch\af0\loch\f1 G.\tab}}\pard \s16\qj \fi-360\li360\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls5\pnrnot0\pnucltr\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang{\pntxta .}} \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\ls5\adjustright\rin0\lin360\itap0 {\b Counterargument Four: Reliance on Codex \par }\pard \s16\qj \li0\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\tab \tab Another commonly cited food safety objection to the SPS Agreements is that it places too much reliance on C odex as an international body for setting food safety standards. Critics point out that Codex was founded as an organization with two objectives: to set food safety standards and to promote international trade.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ Sikes, }{\i supra}{ note 72 at 328.}}}{ In some cases, these objectives are at cross-purposes, and there is no organizational mandate as to which should prevail. Additionally, Codex standards are approved by a majority vote of member countries.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{. }}}{ Therefore, a single country or group of countries could have legitimate concerns about the safety of a food product and still be outvoted by countries that export the good. Then, the objecting country or countries would be held to this lower Codex standard by the WTO unless they could produce a proper risk assessment on their side. Codex cri t ics point to several recent instances where U.S. food safety regulations were rejected by Codex in favor of less restrictive international standards. For example, the EPA has banned methyl parathion as a pesticide for use on fruits and vegetables because some evidence shows that it has negative health effects on children.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ Silverglade, }{\i supra}{ note 136 at 521. }}}{ Regardless, Codex approved a maximum residue level for methyl parathion in June 1999.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{ As a second example, the U.S. requires that government-paid officials from FDA and USDA conduct inspections of food processing plants.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec } \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ Sikes, }{\i supra}{ note 72 at 329.}}}{ Regardless, Codex approved a plan in June 1997 whereby inspections of international food processing plants could be conducted by employees of the plants themselves.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{ SPS critics argue that these Codex decisions unfa irly ignore minority opinions on food safety; as a result, Codex should not be given so much credence in WTO disputes over food safety regulations. \par {\pntext\pard\plain\s16 \b\f1 \hich\af1\dbch\af0\loch\f1 H.\tab}}\pard \s16\qj \fi-360\li360\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls5\pnrnot0\pnucltr\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang{\pntxta .}} \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\ls5\adjustright\rin0\lin360\itap0 {\b Counterargument Five: Cultural Differences Between Countries \par }\pard \s16\qj \li0\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\tab \tab Fifth, critics complain that the SPS Agreeme nt pays too little attention to cultural differences between countries. To the degree that cultural preferences are based on scientific evidence, failure to consider them could endanger food safety. The EC ban on meat products with BGH residue was large ly enacted due to consumer belief that \'93artificially enhanced food [is] something inherently unnatural, dangerous and \lquote wrong.\rquote \'94}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0 \pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ Regine Neugebauer, Note, }{\i Fine-Tuning WTO Jurisprudence and the SPS Agreement: Lessons from \par \tab the Beef Hormone Case}{, 31 }{\scaps Law & Pol\rquote y Int\rquote l Bus.}{ 1255, 1282 (2000).}}}{ These consumer beliefs were based on newspaper articles about scientific studies that concluded BGH residue is harmful to children.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ Silverglade }{\i supra}{ note 136 at 518.}}}{ Whether or not these beliefs were correct, they must have been of great importance to European consumers and their governments since these governments have refused to accept the WTO decision. Instead, they have accepted the consequences of noncompl iance, which include a retaliatory measure by the United States of $117 million of tariffs on certain European agricultural products.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec } \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{. at 519.}}}{ Some critics of the SPS Agreement even believe that international bodies should have no authority at all over food safety regulations because they fail to respect cultural norms.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar \tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i See}{ Grace Skogstad, }{\i Internationalization, Democra cy and Food Safety Measures: The Illegitimacy of \par \tab Consumer Preferences?}{, }{\scaps Global Governance}{, July 1, 2001, at 293.}}}{ These critics argue that food safety standards are so important and divisive that they should only be enacted by elected bodies, which are accountable to those who must live with the standards.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{ Other critics merely advocate reform of the SPS Agreement to give more validity to cultural preferences.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec } \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ Neugeberger, }{\i supra}{ note 152 at 1283.}}}{ For example, laws based on cultural values could be immune to challenge under the SPS Agreement if they only incidentally impede trade.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec } \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{ Regardless of what reform is taken, critics of the WTO will not be satisfied until the entity attaches some validity to cultural preferences. \par \par \par {\pntext\pard\plain\s16 \b\f1 \hich\af1\dbch\af0\loch\f1 I.\tab}}\pard \s16\qj \fi-360\li360\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls5\pnrnot0\pnucltr\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang{\pntxta .}} \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\ls5\adjustright\rin0\lin360\itap0 {\b Counterargument Six: Developing Countries \par }\pard \s16\qj \li0\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\tab \tab A sixth objection to the SPS Agreement by those concerned with food safety i s that it fails to handle adequately the issue of developing countries. Article 9 of the SPS Agreement states that developed countries will provide technical assistance to developing countries to teach them techniques to conform to international safety s tandards.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ SPS Agreement, }{\i supra}{ note 71.}}}{ Article 10 of the SPS Agreement states that WTO Members will consider the needs of developing countries when enacting domestic food safety regulations.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{ Yet, empirical evidence shows that developed countries have not complied with either Article 9 or Article 10.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec } \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ Silverglade, }{\i supra}{ note 136 at 521.}}}{ Thus, developing countries\rquote food products are less likely to meet the domestic food safety standards of their more developed counterparts.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec } \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i See id}{.}}}{ Unfortunately, agricultural products constitute a large percentage of developing countries\rquote exp orts, so these countries are likely to lobby international food safety regulatory bodies like Codex for lower international standards. Developing countries outnumber developed countries, and Codex decides on standards with a majority vote. So, developin g countries could push for further downward harmonization of food safety standards.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i See id}{.}}}{ Critics argue that this downward harmonization would not occur if the SPS Agreement made more concessions to developing countries in the first place. \par {\pntext\pard\plain\s16 \b\f1 \hich\af1\dbch\af0\loch\f1 J.\tab}}\pard \s16\qj \fi-360\li360\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls5\pnrnot0\pnucltr\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang{\pntxta .}} \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\ls5\adjustright\rin0\lin360\itap0 {\b Counterargument Seven: Equivalency Agreements \par }\pard \s16\qj \fi720\li0\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 { Seventh, critics of the SPS Agreement point to equivalency agreements as another threat to domestic food safety policies. Article 4 of the SPS Agreement provides that Members can declare to other Members that food safety regimes i n their countries are equivalent.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ SPS Agreement, }{\i supra}{ note 71.}}}{ Equivalency agreements can apply to specific food safety provisions in addition to entire regulatory regimes.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{ If an exporting country declares equivalence, then the importing country is required to accept agricultural products from the exporter.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec } \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{ The problem is that two countries\rquote food safety regulations can be \'93equivalent\'94 under the SPS Agreement even if they are not identical. An exporting member must only \'93demonstrate to the importing Member that its measures achieve the importing Member\rquote s appropriate level of sanitary or phytosanitary protection.\'94}{ \cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id} {.}}}{ Therefore, equivalency agreements could result in further downward harmonization of food safety standards.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec } \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ Alexander Donahue, }{\i Equivalence: Not Quite Close Enough for the International Harmonization of \par \tab Environmental Standards}{, 30 }{\scaps Envtl. L.}{ 363 (2000).}}}{ As an example, USDA allowed exporters of poultry products to declare that they had equivalent regimes of poultry inspection.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i See}{ USDA Food Safety and Inspection Service, Equivalence Evaluation of Pathogen Reduction and \par \tab HACCP Requirements (Dec. 14, 1999).}}}{ Thirty-six countries responded by declaring equivalence.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec } \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{ Two years later, the USDA completed an investigation designed to assess the equivalency agreements.}{ \cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id} {.}}}{ The USDA declared that four of the exporting countries actually had poultry inspection regimes that were inferior to that of the United States.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{ By this time, the U.S. had already imported over one million pounds of poultry that had not been adequately inspected.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec } \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{.}}}{ Food safety critics point to this as just one failure of the equivalency system. \par \par \par {\pntext\pard\plain\s16 \b\f1 \hich\af1\dbch\af0\loch\f1 K.\tab}}\pard \s16\qj \fi-360\li360\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls5\pnrnot0\pnucltr\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang{\pntxta .}} \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\ls5\adjustright\rin0\lin360\itap0 {\b Counterargument Eight: \'93Under the Table\'94 Deals \par }\pard\plain \s22\qj \fi720\li0\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs24\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 { Finally, critics of the SPS Agreement argue that it could be used \'93under the table\'94 to lower domestic food safety standards.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec } \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ Silverglade, }{\i supra }{note 136 at 519.}}}{ Member 1 could threaten Member 2 with a challenge under the SPS Agreement if Member 2 does not admit Member 1\rquote s agricultural products, even if they fail Member 2\rquote s safety standards. Since many countries do not want to face the administrative costs of appearing before the dispute settlement bodies, they may concede without a fight. This would result in further downward harmonization of food safety standards. \par {\pntext\pard\plain\s22 \b\f1 \hich\af1\dbch\af0\loch\f1 L.\tab}}\pard \s22\qj \fi-360\li360\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls5\pnrnot0\pnucltr\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang{\pntxta .}} \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\ls5\adjustright\rin0\lin360\itap0 {\b Evaluation of Food Safety Arguments and Counterarguments \par }\pard \s22\qj \fi720\li0\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {While the critics of the WTO and its effects on food saf ety have produced many arguments on their side, there is no empirical evidence that WTO membership has reduced food safety in the United States. Actually, food is becoming safer everyday due to advanced scientific research, new technologies, and stringen t regulation by FDA and USDA. The SPS Agreement and the interpretations of it under the Dispute Settlement Understanding are reasonable. It is rational to require that domestic SPS measures be based on scientific evidence and a risk assessment. If a cou n try cannot offer these justifications for a food safety measure, then the measure is likely protectionism in disguise and it should not be allowed. It is true that the WTO is relatively new; future empirical evidence may demonstrate that there has been d ownward harmonization of international food standards. If so, the issue should be reconsidered, but until then, food safety is not a valid reason to alter the U.S.\rquote s position on trade in food. \par {\pntext\pard\plain\s4 \b\f1 \hich\af1\dbch\af0\loch\f1 V.\tab}}\pard\plain \s4\qc \fi-720\li720\ri0\sl480\slmult1\keepn\widctlpar\tx360\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn \pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls1\pnrnot0\pnucrm\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang{\pntxta .}} \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\ls1\outlinelevel3\adjustright\rin0\lin720\itap0 \b\f1\fs24\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {Argument and Counterargument on Food Security \par {\pntext\pard\plain\s22 \b\f1 \hich\af1\dbch\af0\loch\f1 A.\tab}}\pard\plain \s22\qj \fi-360\li360\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls7\pnrnot0\pnucltr\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang{\pntxta .}} \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\ls7\adjustright\rin0\lin360\itap0 \f1\fs24\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\b Argument: Free Trade in Food Leads to Peace Between Nations \par }\pard \s22\qj \fi720\li0\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {While the term \'93food security\'94 has been used in the months since September 11 to refer to efforts to protect the food supply from terrorist attacks, the term originally had a different meaning. Human rights act ivists had long used the term to refer to the right of nations and their citizens to food. Because of geographical, environmental, and ecological constraints, some nations are poorly suited for agriculture. Examples include landlocked countries like the Central African Republics and desert nations like Ethiopia and Somalia. These countries are therefore reliant on agricultural imports to feed their populations. Consequently, free trade in food is an important concern for these countries. \par Disastrous cons equences could result if the international flow of food were disrupted. These consequences might include famine, political instability, and war. In the words of Henry Hawkins, a former Director of the Office of Economic Affairs of the Department of Stat e, \'93When a country gets starved out economically, its people are all too ready to follow the first dictator who may rise up.\'94}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec } \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ Richard N. Cooper, }{\i Trade Policy and Foreign Policy}{, }{\i\scaps in}{\scaps U.S. Trade Policies in a Changing World \par \tab Economy}{ 291-2 (Robert M. Stern ed. 1987). }}}{ Indeed, several scholars cite economic distress in poor and developing countries caused by the isolationism of the United States as a primary antecedent of World War II. \par If the United States were to ban agricultural imports from specific nations in response to September 11, the action would only intensify the problems that led to September 11 in the first place. First, these nation s would immediately retaliate with a ban on agricultural imports from the United States. Since the United States is one of the leading suppliers of food in the world, retaliatory action might severely restrict the supplies of food to these already vulner a ble nations. This would only harm the populations of these countries and lead their people to support charismatic leaders like Osama bin Laden and Saddam Hussein. These are the types of leaders who advocate attacks on innocent people, and their accessio n to power would only result in more tragedies like that of September 11. \par {\pntext\pard\plain\s22 \b\f1 \hich\af1\dbch\af0\loch\f1 B.\tab}}\pard \s22\qj \fi-360\li360\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls7\pnrnot0\pnucltr\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang{\pntxta .}} \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\ls7\adjustright\rin0\lin360\itap0 {\b Counterargument: Trade Liberalization Threatens Food Security \par }\pard \s22\qj \fi720\li0\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 { Many human rights activists and WTO critics argue that the free trade regime enforced by the WTO threatens food security in developing countries. The idea is that WTO membership requires developing countries to reduce their tariffs on all goods, including agricultural products, to the levels specified by the WTO agreements.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlcont\ilvl0\ls0\pnrnot0\pndec }\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i The Impact of Trade Liberalization on Food Security and Poverty}{, }{\i available at}{ \par \tab http:www.wtowatch.org/library/admin/uploadedfiles/Impact_of_Trade_Liberalisation_on_Food_ \par \tab Security_and_Poverty.htm.}}}{ As a result, domestic markets of developing coun tries become flooded with cheap imports. This pushes small domestic producers who must charge higher prices because they face higher costs out of the market. The domestic producers must fire their employees, leading to increased unemployment. Without j obs, these people will be unable to avoid food at any price. \par {\pntext\pard\plain\s22 \b\f1 \hich\af1\dbch\af0\loch\f1 C.\tab}}\pard \s22\qj \fi-360\li360\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls7\pnrnot0\pnucltr\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang{\pntxta .}} \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\ls7\adjustright\rin0\lin360\itap0 {\b Evaluation of the Argument and Counterargument on Food Security \par }\pard \s22\qj \fi720\li0\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {Concerns about food security in developing nations are not a valid reason to abandon trade liberalization. One problem with the complaints of human rights activists is that there is not enough empirical data to prove that trade liberalization does harm developing countries. The empirical evidence offered so far indicates that only some developing countries have suffered since ac ceding to the WTO; others have profited.}{\cs21\super \chftn {\footnote \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\tx360\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs21\super \chftn }{ }{\i Id}{ .}}}{ Second, many of the problems allegedly caused by trade liberalization already existed prior to ratification of the WTO. Food shortages in developing countries result more often from poor governmental policies and institutions than from trade liberalization. Third, if small domestic producers are indeed pushed out of domestic markets by imports, this is a sign that the domestic producers do not have the comparative advantage in the good at issue. Developing count ries\rquote governments, international institutions, and NGOs should assist these small producers in moving to other industries in which they might have a comparative advantage. Finally, developed nations may have an obligation to assist their less developed cou nterparts achieve food security; that is not an issue for this paper. Regardless, this assistance can be provided through less extreme methods than completely abandoning trade liberalization. Monetary assistance, training programs and low-interest loans are all possible forms of aide. In sum, the anti-WTO arguments on food security are unconvincing. On the other hand, the pro-trade arguments are sound. Thus, food security issues are not a valid reason for the U.S. to abandon free trade in food. \par {\pntext\pard\plain\s4 \b\f1 \hich\af1\dbch\af0\loch\f1 VI.\tab}}\pard\plain \s4\qc \fi-720\li720\ri0\sl480\slmult1\keepn\widctlpar\tx360\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn \pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls1\pnrnot0\pnucrm\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang{\pntxta .}} \aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\ls1\outlinelevel3\adjustright\rin0\lin720\itap0 \b\f1\fs24\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {Recommendations \par }\pard\plain \s16\qj \fi720\li0\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f1\fs24\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 { The analysis of economic, food safety, and food security concerns indicates that the United States should not change its commitment to free trade in goods, including food. While economists concede that national security concerns are one legitim ate reason to restrict trade, the concerns in this case do not justify such a drastic measure. For instance, domestically produced food could be attacked just as easily as food imports. Also, restrictions on trade would be a huge reversal in U.S. foreig n policy after the U.S. has been the leading free trade proponent in the world for the past few decades. Instead the U.S. government should respond to the threat of bioterrorism in other ways. Here are several recommendations to consider. Some of these recommendations were addressed at the beginning of the paper in the context of what the government has done so far. The government has even implemented several of the recommendations to some degree, but it could always do more. \par 1) }{\ul Increase Funding for Research into Bioterrorism}{ \endash While the federal government has funded additional research efforts at FDA and USDA, it should support more varied research at more varied institutions. Research should be completed on the biology of foodborne pathogens, diseases caused by foodborne pathogens, cures for those diseases, possible methods terrorists could use to affect the food supply, and ideal crisis management techniques in the event of bioterrorism. Research could be done at a variety of institutions, especially universities. Federal government programs that fund scientific grants should specifically search for projects that will investigate some aspect of the bioterrorism problem. \par }\pard \s16\qj \li0\ri0\sl480\slmult1\widctlpar\tx360\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\tab \tab 2) }{\ul Toughen Import Inspections}{ \endash The federal government has also hired more food safety inspectors for FDA and USDA. This effort is commendable, but it is impossible to hire enough inspectors to examine every imported food product that enters the United States. Instead, the government should try to improve food inspection technology so individual inspectors can be more productive. Research should be done on innovative inspection techniques. Until then, more inspectors should be hired as a stopgap measure. Currently, there are only enough inspectors to examine 1% of imports. Incre a sing the percentage of imports inspected will act as a deterrent to those who would contaminate imports. It would also encourage foreign countries and their food production companies to take more safety precautions; these companies would experience a los s in profits if the United States refused to admit their contaminated food. The higher the chances of such losses, the more precautions these companies will take in the first place. \par \tab \tab 3) }{\ul Work with Domestic Food Companies}{ \endash After September 11, there was som e strife between federal officials and domestic food producers. Some politicians accused the food industry of attempting to derail legislation on bioterrorism for economic reasons. These politicians should understand that the U.S. food industry is just a s interested as the government and consumers in preventing a bioterrorist attack. If an attack occurs on a particular U.S. company or companies, then it will be publicized immediately. Consumers will understandably respond by refusing to buy the compani es\rquote products; they will either switch to substitutes or refrain from consuming that food item altogether. Since a bioterrorist attack on its products would damage any company\rquote s bottom line, members of the food industry want to prevent such an occurrence. As a result, food-related companies and their trade groups were some of the first to consider the possibility of a bioterrorist attack after September 11 and to implement precautionary measures. Therefore, the federal government should work with the food industry to protect the American public instead of against it. A task force consisting of both industry executives and government officials could better address the bioterrorism threat than either of these groups working alone. \par \tab \tab 4) }{\ul Reevaluate the Food Regulatory Bureaucracy}{ \endash Currently, a wide variety of government agencies have responsibility for ensuring food safety in the face of a bioterrorist attack. Extensive reform of this bureaucracy will be impossible for political reasons; there is also some a rgument that the government should not tamper with a bureaucracy that has worked well in the past. However, smaller reforms should be considered as a way to invigorate the current bureaucracy. Perhaps there should be one federal agency responsible for b i oterrorism issues. On the other hand, bioterrorism is an issue that requires expertise in many areas, so perhaps there should simply be a federal task force on bioterrorism that consists of officials from many different agencies. Agencies that should be i nvolved include the FBI, CIA, FDA, USDA, Customs, and the new Office of Homeland Security. Food industry officials could also be invited to participate. Whether or not institutional reforms are implemented, better coordination and communication among th ese agencies should be a priority. \par \tab \tab 5) }{\ul Keep Consumers Informed}{ \endash Since September 11, the FDA has issued guides to food industry members about the bioterrorist threat. Similar guides should be issued for consumers. Consumers are the last defense before th e threat of illness due to foodborne pathogens becomes a reality. Therefore, consumers should be informed of foodborne threats and taught how to examine food to ascertain whether it has been contaminated. At the same time, there is a fine line between i n forming consumers and frightening them. So, the government should not initiate an in-your-face advertising campaign about the threat of bioterrorism. Instead, it should make safety information available to those who are interested. Perhaps it could pla ce informational brochures in grocery stores and extensively update its website about the bioterrorist threat. \par \tab \tab 6) }{\ul Reconsider Country-of-Origin Labeling}{ \endash As stated at the beginning of this paper, the Bush Administration adamantly opposes country-of-origin labeling on food products. However, this position should be reconsidered if consumers would feel reassured by such labeling. At the very least, extensive polling should be done to evaluate consumer opinion. One benefit of such labeling is that consume r s could decide for themselves whether they want to risk eating agricultural products from places like Sudan or the Philippines. On the other hand, labeling would be hugely expensive for domestic food manufacturers that import foreign products as ingredie n ts. Also, such labeling could conflict with various provisions of the Technical Barriers to Trade Agreement under the WTO. A thorough evaluation of the country-of-origin labeling issue is beyond the scope of this paper. However, the government should a t least reconsider the issue since country-of-origin labeling could lessen the likelihood of a bioterrorist attack. \par \tab \tab 7) }{\ul Continue to Fight the War on Terror}{ - Bioterrorism is just one of many ways in which evildoers could attack American citizens. Since Se ptember 11, many government agencies have worked together to anticipate and prevent the next terrorist threat. The most important factor in fighting bioterrorism is continuing to fight terrorism as a whole. To that end, activities by other branches of g overnment that are not specifically targeted towards bioterrorism still help reduce the threat of such a disaster. For example, the Justice Department\rquote s efforts to prosecute suspected terrorists may deter terrorist acts. Also, efforts by the FBI and CIA t o monitor suspicious individuals may forestall the next attack. Regardless, the U.S. government should continue to fight the War on Terror until the threat of future attacks has been significantly reduced. \par \tab \tab The events of September 11, 2001 changed Americ an society forever. While this country should not live in fear of the next attack, it should attempt to prevent similar events from ever occurring again. To this end, the American government should fight all forms of terrorism, including bioterrorism. H owever, it should take care to avoid extreme measures that might do more harm than good. Restrictions on trade in food are an example of an extreme measure that should be avoided. Instead, the U.S. should concentrate on strictly domestic policies to fig ht bioterrorism. These domestic policies should be a leading priority of the U.S. government in coming years. \par }}