Person:

Weiss, Mitchell

In addition to herbal and other traditional medicines, healers and healing temples are seen as providing curative and restorative benefits. In India many people troubled by emotional distress or more serious mental illnesses go to Hindu, Muslim, Christian, and other religious centres. The healing power identified with these institutions may reside in the site itself, rather than in the religious leader or any medicines provided at the site. Studies of these healing sites have focused primarily on ethnographic accounts.5 Research has not systematically examined the psychiatric status of the people coming for help at these religious centres or the clinical impact of healing. It has focused primarily on possession and non­psychotic disorders, rather than serious psychotic illnesses. Yet people with serious psychotic illnesses do visit such healing temples in India,6 and understanding the role of these institutions may help with planning for community mental health services in underserved rural areas.We describe here the work of a Hindu heal­ing temple in South India known as a source of help for people with serious mental disorders.We also tried to measure the clinical effectiveness of religious healing at this site.

Public responses to depression have a powerful effect on patients’ personal experience of illness, the course and outcome of the illness, and their ability to obtain gainful employment. Mental illness-related stigma reduction has become a priority, and to be effective, it requires innovative and effective public mental health interventions informed by a clear understanding of what stigma means. Based on Goffman’s formulation as spoiled identity, local concepts of stigma were validated and compared in clinical cultural epidemiological studies of depression in Bangalore, India, and London, England, using the EMIC, an instrument for studying illness-related experience, its meaning, and related behaviour. Similar indicators were validated in both centres, and the internal consistency was examined to identify those that contributed to a locally coherent concept and scale for stigma. Qualitative meaning of specific features of stigma at each site was clarified from patients’ prose narrative accounts. Concerns about marriage figured prominently as a feature of illness experience in both centres, but it was consistent with other indicators of stigma only in Bangalore, not in London. Although stigma is a significant issue across societies, particular manifestations may vary, and the cultural validity of indicators should be examined locally. Analysis of cultural context in the narrative accounts of illness indicates the variation and complexity in the relationship between aspects of illness experience and stigma. This report describes an approach following from the application of cultural epidemiological methods for identifying and measuring locally valid features of stigma in a scale for cultural study, cross-cultural comparisons, and for baseline and follow-up assessment to monitor stigma reduction programmes.

The Sundarban Delta of West Bengal is a remote, rural region with poor infrastructure and until recently without designated mental health services or a community mental health programme. To inform development of such a programme for the region, and to complement epidemiological study of rates of suicide, nonfatal deliberate self-harm, and specific psychiatric disorders, cultural epidemiological research was undertaken. This research aimed to clarify the nature of broadly conceived mental health problems in the community (not just professionally defined psychiatric disorders) and local concepts of mental illness, clarifying specific features, perceived causes, and help seeking for these problems. Findings from ethnographic study of three villages of two Sundarban blocks (Sagar and Gosaba) are presented and discussed, focusing on particular stresses and supports in the community, local priority of mental health concerns, and concepts of mental illness. This first phase of research has been followed by a cultural epidemiological survey in phase 2, studying mental-illness-related experience, meaning, and behaviour among (1) patients coming for treatment with selected mental disorders, (2) patients admitted after surviving an episode of deliberate self-harm, (3) non-affected laypersons in the community, and (4) health care providers with diverse orientations and credentials serving the community. As important as they are, psychiatric epidemiological data alone are insufficient to clarify the nature of needs and to specify the character of services. This research shows how cultural epidemiology informs policy and action, and how similar research in other settings may contribute to the mental health of populations.

Urban mental health programmes in developing countries remain in their infancy. To serve low-income communities, research needs to consider the impact of common life experience in slums, including poverty, bad living conditions, unemployment, and crowding. Our study in the Malavani slum of Mumbai examines afflictions of the city affecting the emotional well-being and mental health of women and men with respect to gender. This is a topic for which mental health studies have been lacking, and for which psychiatric assumptions based on middle-class clinical experience may be most tenuous. This study employs ethnographic methods to show how environmental and social contexts interact in shaping local experience with reference to common mental health problems. Focusing on the social and environmental context of the mental health of communities, rather than psychiatric disorders affecting individuals, findings are broadly applicable and sorely needed to guide the development of locally appropriate community mental health programmes. Identified afflictions affecting mental health include not only access to health care, but also sanitation, addictions, criminality, domestic violence, and the so-called bar-girl culture. Although effective clinical interventions are required for mental health services to treat psychiatric disorders, they cannot directly affect the conditions of urban slums that impair mental health.

Hazardous alcohol consumption is a worldwide problem with many locally distinctive features across cultures, but studies to guide policy in developing countries are notably lacking. This community study aimed to clarify local patterns of alcohol use in six villages of West Bengal, India. It considered the variety of local alcoholic preparations, who consumed them, when, and where. It sought to determine how social changes in the region influence changing patterns of acceptable and problem use of alcohol. Ethnographic methods included participant observation and focus group discussions. The qualitative data analysis of field notes and transcripts included a review of full texts and a computer-assisted analysis of thematically coded segments with reference to a structured agenda. We found that drinking is an integral feature of the cultural landscape. Locally brewed rice beer (handia), palm wine (tadi), distilled country liquor (chullu), and so-called Indian-made foreign liquor (IMFL) are consumed in these villages. Each is identified with particular segments of society and settings in these communities. Reported effects of problem drinking included social disturbances, family discord, and domestic violence. Increasing problem alcohol use was attributed by villagers to social changes resulting from development, which were otherwise valued, such as improved transportation and communications. In a field dominated by Western and urban studies, this research clarifies features of alcohol availability, use, and acceptance in a neglected rural area of India. It illustrates the limitations of western clinical models of dependence and the importance of clarifying sociocultural conditions that define locally acceptable and problem use.

Background: Health demographic mortality studies use verbal autopsies to identify suicide as a cause of death. Psychological autopsies focus almost exclusively on associated high-risk psychiatric disorders. New approaches considering contextual factors are needed for preventing suicide and promoting mental health. Aims: This study examined explanations of suicide reported by surviving family members or close friends with reference to social, cultural, and environmental conditions as well as the challenges of life in the Malavani slum of Mumbai. Methods: An EMIC (Explanatory Model Interview Catalog) interview based on a cultural epidemiological framework considered underlying problems, perceived causes, and sociocultural contexts. It was administered to survivors of 76 people who had died by suicide (56.6% women). Results: Accounts of underlying problems typically referred to various aspects of tension (73.7%). Perceived causes often identified multiple factors. The sociocultural contexts of suicide included the victimization of women, the personal and social impact of problem drinking, marital problems, physical health problems, mental tension, possession and sorcery. Women were particularly vulnerable to the impact of problem drinking by a spouse or father. Conclusions: This study demonstrates the value of an approach to sociocultural autopsy examining local contexts and explanations of suicide. Findings highlight needs for both mental health services and culturally sensitive social interventions.

We studied socio-cultural determinants of timely appropriate treatment seeking for children under 5 years suspected of having a perceived malaria-related illness. Caretakers of children with suspected malaria were interviewed about illness-related experiences, meanings and behaviour in two endemic villages in southern Ghana. Only 11% of children suspected of having a perceived malaria-related illness received timely appropriate treatment consistent with the Abuja target of treating malaria within 24 h of illness onset; 33% of children received appropriate treatment within 48 h. Reported perceived causes of phlegm predicted timely, appropriate treatment within 24 h of illness onset (P = 0.04) in a multivariate logistic regression model; playing on the ground (P < 0.01) predicted such treatment within 48 h. Two categories of distress, paleness or shortage of blood (P = 0.05) and sweating profusely (P = 0.03), also predicted timely, appropriate treatment within 24 h in a multivariate logistic regression model. Knowing that mosquitoes transmit malaria was not associated with timely, appropriate help seeking for the children, even though such knowledge may promote personal protective measures, especially use of bednets. Patterns of distress and PC were related to timely, appropriate help seeking, but not as expected. Effects on health seeking of illness-related experience and meaning are complex, and explaining their role may strengthen interventions for childhood malaria.

Although the value of interdisciplinary collaboration between epidemiology and anthropology is both widely acknowledged and hotly contested, effective international health policy and multicultural health programmes require it. The EMIC framework for cultural studies of illness was developed in response to such needs, and a cultural epidemiology emerged from that framework as an interdisciplinary field of research on locally valid representations of illness and their distributions in cultural context. These representations are specified by variables, descriptions, and narrative accounts of illness experience, its meaning, and associated illness behaviour. Specialized interactive qualitative and quantitative research methods provide a descriptive account, facilitate comparisons, and clarify the cultural basis of risk, course, and outcomes of practical significance for clinical practice and public health. This paper discusses the theoretical underpinnings of cultural epidemiology and an operational formulation for examining patterns of distress, perceived causes, and help-seeking. Five additional papers in this special issue of Anthropology and Medicine indicate how the EMIC has been used and has engendered an ethnographically grounded cultural epidemiology. Although this overview and these papers are concerned exclusively with mental health, a complementary stream of active research on leprosy, tuberculosis, epilepsy, and other tropical infectious, neurological, and medical disorders is ongoing. Next steps for cultural epidemiology in mental health research are discussed, including (1) further clinic-based studies of psychiatric disorders, (2) studies of deliberate self-harm in clinic and community settings, (3) complementary cultural components of psychiatric epidemiological surveys, (4) baseline assessments to guide community programmes, and (5) contributions to intervention studies.